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"Business of a shpionstvo" of the genshtabist Theodor



SOBYTIYA And DESTINIES

S.S. Voytikov ""BUSINESS Of ShPIONSTVE" of GENSHTABIST TEODORI

"As the attitude of representatives of that party (communists) towards me with which I am terribly connected by all the huge creative work on creation, formation and fixing of power of the Red Army is unfair, exclusively cruel", - the genshtabist Georgy wrote from the conclusion in December, 1919 to the chairman of Cheka Dzerzhinsky Teodori1. Very few people know this name. And meanwhile this person - the founder of the Soviet military intelligence. What he was arrested for?

The famous historian of intelligence agencies A.A. Zdanovich, considering case "Rate" (about a plot in the Field headquarters of Revolutionary Military Council of Respubliki, July, 1919) considers that study it "should be begun, at least, since January, 1919. Then on suspicion of espionage the Special department of Cheka arrested the typist of the Field headquarters Valentina Troitskaya who during the investigation showed that to the headquarters arranged it... Georgy Teodori with whom it was connected by close relations" 2. And about "close relations" with Teodori rendered Troitskaya's statements for the device to the headquarters s difficult to check also in 1919, now it is almost impossible. Zdanovich assumed that Lenin "already in the second half of April of the 1919th wanted to use Teodori's matter in the developing conflict with Trotsky..." It left consideration of "business of a shpionstvo" of Teodori's genshtabist beyond the scope of article. At the same time, having pointed out the political nature of its detention, Zdanovich noted nevertheless: "Objective bases for arrest (detention)... were what in writing informed the Commander-in-chief, however, two months later on" 3. Why the Special department of Cheka so long kept silence? This question - much more difficult, than a question of the arrest reason.

5 November, 1918 the order of the supreme military collegial body of the Soviet Russia - the Revolutionary Council of War of Respubliki - about establishment of the Registration Management (RM) of the Field headquarters of RVS - Respubliki was issued. It was the first central body of the Soviet military intelligence, secret defense and military censorship which by right is considered as the predecessor of modern Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff (GRU). Registration Management in 1918 was a part of the system of bodies of the Field headquarters created at the end of October - the beginning of November in the town of Serpukhov situated near Moscow.

The number of organizers of the Field headquarters and its Registration Management included also 31-year-old Georgy Ivanovich Teodori. He was appointed

military consultant of Registration Management. In practice - his actual head obliged to agree on the decisions with the formal head of Registration Management. And the 27-year-old shtabs-captain of old army Semyon Ivanovich Aralov was appointed the chief. The native of family of the merchant, in 1903 he adjoined the social democratic movement, participated in revolution of 1905, just entered Bolshevik party. He noticed and invited from Petrograd to Moscow of the Teodori genshtabist.

Georgy Ivanovich Teodori was born on October 18, 1887 in Yevpatoriya. - the Greek. In 1904 graduated from the Nikolaev military school, in 1906 - Mikhaylovsky artillery school. Served in the 2nd Finnish shooting artillery division. C1914 of was at war on the South Western front, in Galicia. It was contused in a back. At the beginning of 1917 in a rank of the shtabs-captain served in the 4th Finnish shooting park and artillery division.

After the February revolution of Teodori got on 3-month training courses at Military academy Genshtaba4. Finished them in May, 1917 and was given assignment to the headquarters of Petrogradsky district. In March, 1918 he was appointed the chief of office of Operations section of the headquarters of the Northern area. Philip Ivanovich Balabin holding then a position of the chief of Operations section on interrogation in WHOLESALE in 1931 showed: "I personally left the headquarters after trouble with the assistant, because of the personal relations. My assistants are officers... courses of the General Staff, expressed me censure for the haughty address, said that I call them for eyes bastards, etc. Conditions of service were created very burdensome..." Teodori was this assistant also. On the following interrogation Balabin characterized release of 1917 in more detail, though is prejudiced: "P.A. Mey, Teodori, Kolesnikov and several other employees of my operational office, all young genshtabist who ended an intensive course of academy in 1917, parviscient, unexperienced, with strongly developed spirit of criticism concerning old genshtabist - especially Teodori whose demagogical attacks clearly showed... the aspiration to make fast career; ambitious, persistent, he was an unconditional ideologist of united group of the companions, emphasized this unity and when found it necessary, protested from the close front of the supporter companions" 5. In the spring of 1918 the sharp conflict between the genshtabist who graduated from academy in peace time and graduates of intensive courses broke out ". Some of old genshtabist scornfully concerned graduates of intensive courses.," 6 Considered that they obviously have knowledge and experience. Teodori stood up for the graduates of 1917 T.O. Kosach and V.F. Tarasov "certified" thus by Balabin. For it he was dismissed from service. The meeting of the employees of the Northern site and Petrogradsky district ranked as the General Staff in September, 1917 which took place on April 30, 1918 For -

became a key event

scales. The audience resolved to assert the rights, having recognized "a case with Teodori" as "common cause" 7. So on the basis of release there was a group of officers, the leader ("ideologist", according to Balabin) which became Teodori.

Later, February 15, 1919, Teodori said to the chief Semyon Aralov recognized nowadays as the first head of GRU: "I hardly and great efforts kept release in February and March, 1918, soldered it during the summer". According to him, genshtabist of intensive courses entered the conflict with old genshtabist of pre-revolutionary releases, but gained trust of the commander-in-chief Jehoiakim Vatsetis. As a result representatives of release of 1917 held responsible positions on fronts, but the old generals managed to remove Teodori's classmates "from head departments" the Defense Ministry, that is from the central military apparata8. In May, 1918 the manager of Operations section Narkomvoyena (Operoda) Semyon Aralov appointed Teodori the military consultant of Operod and did not lose. Teodori brought to Bolsheviks a lot of benefit: in 1918 participated in formation of the central military office, in suppression of a mutiny of the Czechoslovak case, in elimination of the attempt of a military coup made in July by the commander-in-chief of East front Muravyev.

Why he was arrested? This question always nonplused historians. We managed to find the answer only thanks to A.A. Zda-novich's help: it kindly provided a number of the documents concerning Teodori.

On October 9, 1918 Respubliki's Revolutionary Military Council considered it "expedient to second G.I. Teodori's General Staff to the order of the chief of Military academy of the General Staff major general A.P. Klimovich for performance of duties of the teacher of a course of field artillery". New appointment meant disgrace: at the fault and objectionable military specialists in the years of Civil war were quite often sent on teaching). But then chiefs of the Field headquarters of RVSR N. I. Rattelyu the assignment "was sent to find the suitable person" for the organization and the management of courses of counterintelligence, an agency and investigation and to submit the candidate for approval of PBCP9. As a result of Teodori removed for a while, moreover - returned already 16 oktyabrya10. Whether he learned a lesson from the disgrace? Whether understood, its position in service to Bolsheviks how is fragile? It seems that is not present.

On December 3 Teodori reproached Aralov: though all secret-service work "out of Russia" is concentrated in Secret-service department of Registration Management, Aralov transfers some reports in the Department of Military Control (DMC) of Registration Management, that is secret defense. In case of Aralov's mistrust to so-called "consultants" from Teodori's genshtabist asked to send, at least, all tasks for foreign investigation to the deputy chief of RU Bolshevik Valentin Petrovich Pavulan.

Though Aralov appreciated Teodori and his classmates, he could not but criticize them for setting of secret-service investigation. Concerning one of reports

he noticed Teodori: the data included in it have very modest value. Really, on December 5 Department of Military Control explained that in the weekly report of November 29 the inaccuracy is allowed and besides data are reported not by the agent of department, but the casual, not credible person - come back from the Crimea and from Ukraine party rabotnikom11.

On December 24 Teodori reported "for data" to the chief of Registration Management Aralov the orders signed one day earlier by Trotsky on change of states of Registration Management, that is about change of structure of the central body of military intelligence, secret defense and military tsenzury12. Action through the chief's head for Teodori became the norm.

21 January, 1919 Teodori in extremely sharp form tried "to request" Aralov whether hearing about appointment of the member of board of Eyduk's Cheka as the ranking officer of Military control, "the belesoglazy Latvian" (Alexandrina Balaganova's expression) is right. Dzerzhinsky spoke about Eyduk in the early twenties that against him "nobody and will dare to peep".

About "awful feats" of Alexander Vladimirovich Eyduk in days of Civil "even habitual people spoke with undisguised disgust":

"It was entrusted to Eyduk to accept one White Guard group which was given at the front. Having built given, he ordered to leave to officers ranks and to be built separately from soldiers. He sent to soldiers greetings. Having turned then to officers, he told:

>- Hey you, damned White Guards!. Vyznayete me... No? Well, so learn... I am Eyduk! Hahaha, heard?! Well, here, it is also that Eyduk, look at me! Ha - r - and - highway - e-n-to you look... Swine, White Guards (unprintable abuse)!. And so, remember: if slightly that - I have one conversation... Here you see this Mauser (it shook by an enormous Mauser) is at me all conversation with you (unprintable abuse), and the end!. This Mauser I with own hand shot down same as you, White Guards, hundreds, thousands, dozens thousands...

And immediately, having furiously snatched on the closest officer and drilling him with a mad look of the eyes poured by blood, he seized him by a shoulder, broke from it shoulder straps and, more and more growing furious, began to trample down them legs.

>- Hey you (unprintable abuse), swine, White Guards!! Down with your shoulder straps that I did not see them more!!! Break... Vividly at me, but not that... hahaha, here my Mauser!.

And to terrorize even more these given-up and unarmed people, it put to the head of one of them the Mauser and as the madman, began to shout:

>- Only peep, the swine White Guard (unprintable abuse), and the end!. The Aaa, is not pleasant? Well, and so remember... I to you have no pity!." 13

Teodori negatively spoke of Eyduk's actions in Vologda where with

5 June till August 6, 1918 that slaved away as a part of Soviet

audit at the head of which there was Mikhail Sergeyevich Kedrov, the old Bolshevik. Including advantage of this audit very doubtful, Teodori for the first time entered the conflict with Eyduk and for the second time faced Kedrov - future head of secret defense.

Aralov gave Teodori honestly, that Eyduk will not hold an important post in Special department (Military control and Military department of Cheka were united in this new body of secret defense January, 1919). However on January 21 reported to Teodori that the chief of Special department of Cheka Kedrov, going to Petrograd, left "for himself" Eyduk. Teodori, being indignant, considered quite admissible to demand the report from Aralov whether with it "it is conducted and consent it is made". For Aralov on the document made to a dung: "S.I.! Tone of the last telegrams of Teodori to you extremely defiant... the telegram of such tone has to be left without answer" 14.

Teodori spoiled the relations and with the immediate superior - Valentin Pavulan, Aralov's deputy. However, on February 22 Pavulan and Teodori cabled Aralov: "Between us all questions are settled" 15. But one Teodori was deceived in this respect probably.

At the beginning of 1919 Teodori charged to the classmate Ivan Dmitrievich Chintulov to write the report addressed to Aralov - about ignoring of military consultants by Kedrov. Having received a note, made on its basis the instruction to Kedrov on behalf of Aralov - with sharp condemnation of actions of Kedrov concerning consultants. To sign it Aralov, naturally, otkazalsya16.

I at such moment the Special department of Cheka arrested the typist Valentina Troitskaya. Reasons for her arrest were strong. The Bolshevik A.A. Antonov sent by Lenin to Serpukhov for acquaintance with a situation in Stvka reported on January 12, 1919: "A certain aristocrat by origin, apparently, the relative byvsh serves in the Field headquarters. the count Witte - Troitskaya. It in great friendship with genshtabist, at the same time clings to commissioners, trying to work on them as the woman; in the last quality it is excessively available, in general makes an impression of fallen, drinks and treats the guests with alcohol. However during the love affairs she shows great interest to policy and for a long time on the strongest suspicion and at political workers, and counterintelligence... Troitskaya's girlfriend, too the staff employee - Golubovich - during the love appointment with one commissioner asked from it the code. Ulikanesomnenny..." 17

Arrests continued. On January 20 Teodori reported to Aralov: employees of the Field headquarters of the sister Dobrovolskiye, Fedorov are arrested, it is made to Lorchenkov's search. Teodori, in fact, accused Aralov: "Everything is made according to your telegram. Neither Pavulan, nor me was warned. Meanwhile, exactly I to you, objecting to Troitskaya's appointment and Golubovich to the Field headquarters, transferred fears... about Troitskaya. I consider all character and a situation of the arrests executed by Kedrov inadmissible. In

any case as I also did not want to think it, but Dobrovolsky' arrest makes on me an impression of some personal attack, personal revenge to my address because I warranted and warrant for their honesty" 18.

Teodori faced Kedrov even in the summer of 1918. To offers of the genshtabist on involvement of officers in army, to improvement of their financial position and conditions of service the Bolshevik Kedrov was negative sharply. According to Teodori, it caused "discontent and mistrust" to it Kedrov. Here he was not mistaken. Because of its explosive character, and especially because of its rigid a position in the fall-winter of 1918 in a question of departmental accessory of secret defense Kedrov began to perceive Teodori as the enemy. Both personal, and enemy of revolution.

Aralov after all cabled Kedrov that he "doubts a possibility of a figurirovaniye of the arrested sisters Dobrovolsky as defendants on this case and therefore considers necessary certainly in the absence of the convicting proofs them to release" 19.

On February 9 arrested one of the few genshtabist, graduates of "dofevralsky" academy who was appreciated by graduates of intensive courses - the 50-year-old former general Vladimir Ivanovich Selivachev. On the same day Kedrov promised Aralov to release him, but with the reservation: "if there are no new data". On February 13, despite of Aralov, Ryazanov, Pavulan's guarantee and 15 genshtabist of the accelerated release, Selivachev was not released. According to Teodori, Eyduk", but not Kedrov did not release "more true. On February 13 Teodori went to Kedrov "under pressure of the telegram received from representatives of all release from the front with a request to release Selivachev". Referring to the collective pressure of classmates, he, in fact, demanded release of the general Selivachev. At the same time broke subordination: addressed Kedrov "cherez golovu" of Aralov.

What occurred further, Teodori described in the official report to Aralov: "Kedrov promised, in a type of non-receipt of new data, by the evening to release Selivachev. At this time Eyduk came and in sharp, unacceptable tone said to me that it will arrive as knows. Selivachev is innocent... Hold him only because Eyduk remembers my negative relation to its work in Vologda, and it is unfair and harmful because brings irritation among workers of release of 1917, 15 months in overwhelming number working even ideologically. Among interceding for the arrested Selivachev from release of 1917 - Teodori, the chief of staff of the Northern Nikolay Nikolaevich Domozhirov front, the chief of staff of the Southern front Vasily Fedorovich Tarasov, the chief of staff of Army of the Soviet Latvia Par-feny Matveevich Maygur, the chief of Operations section of East Ivan Naumovich Polozov front, the chief of Operations section of the Western Baranovsky front and other responsibles of the Field headquarters and headquarters of fronts and armies".

Teodori asked Aralov "to take measures to reasonable use of t. Eyduk the unlimited powers. I knew that transfer

to the persons which negatively recommended themselves will result counterintelligence in negative results. Events and life confirm my conclusions. Therefore very much I ask you to protect conscience of release from such experiments and "personal scores" to comrade Ade to... right now it is necessary to support us, but not to allow to scoff Eydukam at us because of "personal" usmotreniye and accounts" 20.

On February 14 Aralov in a friendly way Teodori advised not to strike a pose in relation to Special department of Cheka and esh rukovodstvu21. Teodori reacted sharply: "The contact between us and Special department will not turn out until with us do not stop keeping indecently. The statement comrade Eyduk made to me on February 13 that the question of interaction disappeared suffices. That nature and tone of the relations which is taken in relation to release not only is not admissible, but such tone in 15 months of work was allowed only by comrade Chikkolini (S.V. Chikkolini is the chief of office of military control of Operations section of Narkomvoyen in the summer of 1918. - Page of V.) and that only one time. Being a responsible and authorized representative, as well as many of us: Tarasov, Domozhirov, Polozov, Maygur, Petrov, Isaev, Ku-tyrev, Sryvalin, etc., I cannot allow such attitude towards us. We will not only protest, but to answer the same because nobody has the right to discredit us, and especially persons which proved on joint work with us negatively. A case with Selivachev for whom you warranted Ryazanov, Pavulan and 15 persons of release of 1917, shows that we should leave because in 15 months of service still there are persons who have courage and impudence to be with us indecent, speaking loudly about mistrust. Your wish should be directed towards those who touch us" 22.

For Bolsheviks one this threat quite was already enough for Teodori's arrest. Especially as the young genshtabist differed in independence, sharp frankness and impulsiveness. And at times - unlimited arrogance. Those who were influenced by these its qualities perceived them usually as unsociability and tactlessness, and even simply grubost23. So it usually also happens.

In the first of March Teodori and Pavulan went to a business trip to Latvia: "for settlement of secret-service investigation in the republics". Teodori had a presentiment of the second disgrace, but a cable congratulation of Aralov on March 12 - with anniversary of overthrow of autocracy - dispelled his fears.

However this day the decision on Teodori's resignation was made. Not for nothing Aralov became a diplomat subsequently.

22 March Teodori learned about the resignation. And also that it was stipulated by the chief of the Field headquarters former general Fedor Fedorovich of Kostyaev24. That for whom Teodori stood up in September, 1918 Kostyaev - the personality for Teodori's classmates fatal: its indications played a considerable role in "business of a plot" in Field shtabe25. On the same day Teodori sent to Aralov a telegram, having accused that that not

warned about danger: "Why you openly did not tell about the reference? I would arrange all the affairs, took at least linen and in a human way would leave. Or you doubted that I will leave?". And instead of trying to smooth, soften a situation, to weaken tension in the relations, it finished provocatively: "I reserve the right to ask" the commander-in-chief Vatsetis and the chairman of RVSR Trotsky "about appointment to Latvia to me those from my employees who will express desire, and those military specialists which are excessive in other institutions" 26. Itself put the head in a loop.

On the same day in Dvinsk, on the encrypted cable order of Kedrov, Teodori was arestovan27.

Near on March 23 thanks to the classmate Parfeny Maygu-r, the chief of staff of Army of the Soviet Latvia, the arrested Teodori had an opportunity to connect on a direct line to the Field headquarters in Serpukhov and to talk over with Aralov.

"-At the t device. Aralov? Hello, Semyon Ivanovich. I ask to answer the inheriting questions: What it is arrested for?

>- Teodori? What it is arrested for - I do not know.

>- Whether my wife, the sister is touched?

>- Yesterday returned from Moscow, the wife and the sister yours were quite healthy and are not touched.

>- From your department the arrest is executed or not?

>- I was warned that your arrest is possible.

>- Today I will be sent to Moscow or not?

>- I do not know about transfer to Moscow, I think that it will be made in the nearest future.

>- Pavulan left this morning, he knew that I am sick already with Vilno therefore we tried to finish all work that I could return. Whether Trotsky and on release [academy of the General Staff of 1917] knows about my arrest?

>- Trotsky is not in Moscow already whole week and therefore probably did not know. As for release, data are received just now about your arrest.

>- Would you be charged for me or not?

>- If the question of the guarantee is brought up and it will be possible - I will bail.

>- Whether my trip and a delay in Dvinsk was connected with arrest?

- Is not present

>- I ask to protect the wife and the sister for last work as only persons close to me, from searches, arrests and pulling.

>- Well. Do not worry, I think that everything will manage safely more tranquility. It is possible that here misunderstanding. Aralov.

>- Quietly and coolly I treat everything as the result of my work is available. Whether you are personally sure of my work? Today I am wanted to be sent to Moscow. Would ask to save from this procedure here, all me

know and I will not leave anywhere. If it is necessary for interrogation, then would ask to keep in Moscow on Znamenka in Special department on your account. Whether other innocent persons on vypusku9 suffered I terminated. After me asks the questions Maygur.

>- In case of Teodori's departure to Moscow I ask to specify to me to whom I have to assign the work charged by you to Teodori.

>- Maygur? Now I will talk over with the commander-in-chief and I will answer. Whether you know, in Hungary there was revolution, and it is announced by the Soviet Republic. The Council of People's Commissars is formed, Komkomin is appointed, Béla Kuhn is appointed and offers us the union of defense and approach against enemies of workers and peasants.

>- All? Thanks for news. We wait for the answer to our questions. Maygur and Teodori" 28.

It is unlikely news from Hungary excited Teodori more news from Moscow. Formally he was arrested. But it is not detained - obviously thanks to protection of the fellow student. But the most amazing: judging by a question which Maygur asked Aralov, it continued to be engaged in the work - the organization of investigation of Army of the Soviet Latvia. Moreover: with a pressure inherent in it began to insist on the innocence as on something self-evident, rushed to intercede for the family - to protect it from aresta29.

Parfeny Maygur the first stood up for Teodori, having cabled Vatsetis: "As your old worker I has to... to tell that for Teodori there is all release of 1917 and similar arrest of the old member of board" release will strike "a big blow to work of release with the Soviet power" 30.

Teodori was sent to Moscow only on March 24 what Maygur with the consent of the military commissioner notified Aralov and Trotskogo31 on.

In Moscow it was hospitably accepted by Butyrka.

Since the beginning of April to the middle of December he was interrogated by six times. Kedrov, once interrogated - together with the investigator of Special department Vladimir Dmitrievich Feldman who formally processed Teodori's case (in some cases interrogations were conducted in the presence of the investigator Vogel). Only on the last interrogation - Kedrov, conducted it approximately on June 16 again, - brought to the genshtabistu-intelligence agent charge: complicity to espionage. Then, probably, Teodori also heard from Kedrov: the typist Troitskaya is shot as the spy. And only on one or two and a half June 11 month later! - Vogel requested Aralov whether he "spoke gr. Teodori that gr. Troitskaya is a spy and that it is necessary to fire her" 32.

In 1919 the osobist obviously did not hurry with clarification of participation of Teodori in "business of a shpionstvo": the evidences given against it to already shot (!) Troitskaya were the only basis of its charge of complicity to White Guards. (In general, we will notice, in passing, the role of "typists" in the Soviet state construction is somehow ignored by constraining. Absolutely unfairly.)

Teodori's fellow students, as soon as learned about arrest, began fight for its release at once. Not only the officer honor moved them, but also opase-

niya: tomorrow and they can be guilty though guiltless before the new power. More precisely - guilty of the "klassovo alien" origin and, let also incomplete (from the point of view of old genshtabist of pre-revolutionary releases), the higher military education, so sharply hitting into a nose "there are more to vikam-companions".

Rumors about arrest scattered with a speed of telegraph. Already on March 26 three from Teodori's fellow students from the headquarters of the Southern front sent to other member of "board of release", the chief of Prospecting office Boris Innokentyevich Kuznetsov for the chief of the Field headquarters Kostya-eva: "We do not assume a thought that the charge brought to him has the basis - we insist on immediate investigation, agree to bail". Having secured with readiness of the classmates holding important posts in the Field headquarters in Serpukhov to insist on Teodori's release, genshtabist of 1917 suggested to make the same to the colleagues serving in Registration Management in Moscow. Sent the telegram to the chief of Secret-service department of Registration Management to a genshtabist of 1917 to Georgy Yakovlevich Kutyrev. The copy was sent "for data to companions Lenin, Trotsky, Kedrov" 33.

Twice - on March 24 and on April 17 - 36 graduates of academy of the General Staff of 1917 sent by telegraph of the application on consideration of the case of Teodori to the chairman of Council of People's Commissars Lenin. The second, of April 17, behind a mask of readiness to exclude Teodori from the building of the General Staff in case of charge confirmation, actually contained prevention: the refusal can complicate already difficult relations with military commissioners. Actually 36 people holding important posts in the Field headquarters and also in front and army headquarters, consciously went in terms of the authorized relations for their serious violation. First, they submitted the application to insubordination "through the heads" three (!) immediate superiors - Kostyaev, Vatsetis and Trotsky. They gave it directly to Lenin because perfectly understood: further Kostyaev it will not pass, and the former general, being afraid for own fate probably will prosecute them for it. Secondly, their application was collective, and it is most strictly forbidden to give "kollektivka" in armed forces since the time of Pyotr to Velikogo34.

Generally, young genshtabist of 1917 went for broke. Lenin, however, was not from those people who give in to ultimatums. And just from those who are able not to hurry, to wait the most right moment for the vindictive reply to the ultimatum.

The first report with the petition for Teodori, similar to the sent Lenin, genshtabist of 1917 sent to Trotsky, Vatsetis, Aralov and Kostyaev. "On an upolnomocheniye of release of 1917 of the General Staff: Isaev, Modenov, Kuznetsov, Malyshev, Vinogradov, Kosach, Yurshevsky, Mathis, Sryvalin, Tseitlin, Maximov, Dubinin, Samuylov, Pie, Do-mozhirov, Sysoyev, Stasevich, Skvortsov, Tarasov, Kadnikov, Karanovich,

Trunks, Maygur, Cook, Petrov, Polozov, Vasilyev, Bardinsky, Zakharov, Sgry-har, Shiloh, Billiard pockets, Yakovsky... The present report is transferred to the addresses: to the chairman of the board of defense Lenin, Commander-in-chief of all armed forces of the Republic of Vatsetisu, chairman of a Revolutionary military court of the Republic of Danishevskomu, chief of the Field headquarters of the Revolutionary Council of War of the Republic of Kostyaevu" 35.

Jehoiakim Vatsetis for summer of 1918 worked well together with "green youth", genshtabist of 1917, and quite shared their indignation and fears. Confident in pricelessness of the merits before Bolshevist Council of People's Commissars for suppression of a mutiny of the left Social Revolutionaries, he decided to stand up for the employees. Aralov extremely needed Teodori's help. But, as the person flabby, he preferred to be eliminated, wait out of harm's way as business will be turned.

On April 18 Vatsetis in the report sent to Lenin from Serpukhov to the Kremlin pictured about the shortage of command structure, about "an overload of persons of the General Staff, especially at the front", about tactlessness to General Staff from the commissioners put to them, about regular arrests of genshtabist. Vatsetis compared political commissioners to "gendarmes of an old regime whose increase was in strong degree depending on that how many it will be possible to open plots against an autocratic system". On "Teodori's business" stopped especially: "sudden and it is perfect for anybody not clear arrest" the consultant of Registration Management, according to him, "made the stunning impression on all General Staff". Highlighted: Eyduk, Kedrov's assistant, in a conversation with it spilled the beans that "there is no charge against Teodori", it "charge should be created". Vatsetis petitioned before Lenin not only for the fastest release of Teodori, but also for application of "repressions" to Kedrov - "self-willedally", without observance of the established RVSR of orders, to Teodori36 who disposed to arrest.

It was obvious search: Kedrov for many years revolutionary work found full confidence of Lenin. Therefore he and was put by the decision of the Central Committee at the head of secret defense.

Surprisingly, young genshtabist spent time and nerves not for nothing. On April 21 the mandate behind Vatsetis, Aralov and Kostyaev signatures who were offered "to render Special department of Cheka full assistance for receiving all this case" 37 was issued to them.

Though the mandate was signed including by Aralov, the official curator of Special department of Cheka from RVSR, Kedrov when on April 23 to it "delegates" of genshtabist of 1917 Evgeny Isaev, Gabriel Kutyrev and Boris Kuznetsov came to reception to Lubyanka, refused their offer in common to interrogate Teodori. Referred to the fact that "Lenin38 can only know some details".

But Kedrov nevertheless stated an essence of the charges brought to Teodori: its communication with the spy Valentina Troitskaya, that is participation to shpi-

to an onazh. and participation in the joint officer White Guard organization, some of heads of which the former general Nikolay Nikolaevich Stogov with whom Teodori was allegedly connected was. At once it became obvious to Genshtabis-tam-hodatayam: the first charge can rather be qualified as abuse of official position. They said

about it to Kedrov, and that in general agreed with them. The main charge - in participation in the White Guard organization - they considered groundless even in terms of formal logic. Yes, he visited Selivachev and Stogov. Appreciated Selivachev Teodori, but just did not take out the former general Stogov. Their disagreements in the summer of 1918 are known to all, and Stogov considered Teodori "bastard" of academy of the General Staff. The chief of Special department, on an impression of genshtabist, answered their questions "uncertainly". On the conversation course Kedrov kind of by the way took an interest as contact between graduates of academy of the General Staff of 1917 is kept. Possibly, for clarification of this question Kedrov also went to a meeting with seekers of justice. Eventually Kedrov declared existence at it of hope, "that weeks through two of these data, being grouped in business, can give in general full concrete charge".

Next day Feldman, the investigator in the matter of Teodori, issued to genshtabistam-intercessors the reference in which both charges are specified.

Hardly Teodori's fellow students understood all innuendoes of Kedrov. But, perhaps, the same guess came to their mind that comes now and to us: Kedrov consciously "confused the issue", in fact collecting the facts on business not about a White Guard plot, and a plot of military specialists in the Field headquarters. If the question of an order of maintenance of communication asked by the way between graduates of academy of the General Staff of 1917 really was the basic, its actions are clear and logical. Moreover - are justified: destruction of potential bonapart was a "sacred" duty of the Bolshevik and head of secret defense. Besides Kedrov got the interesting data: three genshtabist honestly admitted that communication between them "keeps exclusively personal, bypassing those headquarters where there are no members of release of 1917, and supporting for upholding of exclusively office and material interests of release". According to genshtabist, "comrade. Kedrov was satisfied" 39. The ego is not surprising. And it is clear. Not to kontsayasno only, on the initiative Kedrov acted or obligingly executed Lenin's "order" - "dug" under Trotsky.

After all to Aralov Teodori it was necessary: for work, for adjustment of military intelligence. In May, 1919 he cabled the chairman of Revvoyen-tribunal Respubliki Karl Khristianovich Danishevsky. Offered quite reasonable way out: "I offer business... Teodori, the arrested on suspicion of a shpionstvo to demand in RVTribunal Respubliki (kakupr., to the subordinated RVSR) from Special department". The rigid refusal followed. On May 22 Kedrov transferred for Aralov: "Teodori cannot be released at all". If to trust the telegram to Ade from 20

June, in the matter of Teodori the investigation was completed, in the matter of Selivachev prodolzhalos40.

Investigative business "Rate" gained steam - on July 8 arrested the commander-in-chief Vatsetis and also the chief of the Field headquarters Kostyaev. From Teodori's colleagues E.I. Isaev, B.I. Kuznetsov, A.K. - Malyshev and Yu.I. were arrested by Grigoryev41.

1 - y the assistant manager Special department of Cheka Ivan Petrovich Pavlunovsky, reporting to Lenin, connected together Teodori's matter and case of a plot in the Field headquarters. Say, it "appears", in Petrograd, that is till May, 1918, they consisted in "various White Guard organizations of allied orientation". Genshtabisty Domozhirov and Kuznetsov together with Teodori and Hrulev were a part of the organization with a genshtabist by Boris Polyakov at the head. Isaev "participated in some (! - Page of V.) the organization in which Kuzmina-Karavayev who was in connection with the Polyakovsky organization" 42 consisted.

Lenin, of course, knew that almost all these "affairs" are quite transparent. But got by security officers there were quite enough "the compromising materials" to besiege Trotsky, to appoint the new commander-in-chief and to transfer the Field headquarters from Serpukhov to Moscow. To the Kremlin is closer. And here and the general Denikin widely walked to Moscow. Executions of military specialists would be absolutely inopportunely...

Neither Vatsetis, nor Kostyaev, nor genshtabist seriously suffered. Though young genshtabist were kept in prison on half a year and bolee43.

The prison did not do Teodori good: weakened, the sight worsened, the contusion had an effect. Nevertheless the mode of its contents was rather soft. Created it conditions for work. Whether on own initiative, whether and according to offers of Special department - as you will refuse here? - he wrote military and theoretical and military and historical works. Some were even printed in the Voyennoye Delo magazine.

On December 30, on the eve of arrival New, the 1920th, year, Teodori sent a letter to Dzerzhinsky. "Already ten months... as I sit in solitary confinement in Butyrsky prison (nowadays in Vnutren. to prison of the Wasps. from. Cheka). Such term without the pronouncement of judgement only on suspicion of complicity to espionage which not only is not proved, but on which any document, Krom was not shown me

Verity Joanna
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