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Questions of Russian education in ideology of the liberal public of the end of the XIX beginning of the XX centuries



ISTORIYA of SCIENCE AND EDUCATION

M.P. Voytekhovskaya

QUESTIONS of RUSSIAN EDUCATION IN IDEOLOGY of the LIBERAL PUBLIC of the END of XIX are the BEGINNINGS of the XX CENTURIES

Tomsk state pedagogical university

By the beginning of the 20th century the liberal movement in Russia already gained some experience of fight for democratization of public and state life. In the 60-70th of the 19th century the liberals acted under a banner of constitutionalism and Territorial cathedral, and since the beginning of the 80th, in the conditions of the come reaction, protection of transformations of "an era of great reforms" became the main business of the Russian liberals. Attempts of an insignificant part of liberals during this period to create party and illegal press organ abroad were not crowned with success, and the advanced Russian public was joint about the newspapers "Russkiye Vedomosti", "Russkaya mysl", the Vestnik Europy magazine.

Activity of the Russian educated public was carried out mainly in various combinations of non-political character - brotherhoods, educational circles, committees of literacy, etc. Fight against the hunger which struck a number of the central, southeast and Volga region provinces in 1891-1892 strengthened work of liberally adjusted public in many spheres. The problem of introduction of general elementary education became a subject of special attention of an educated part of Russians, to the territorial intellectuals.

Liberally adjusted Russian public considered development of educational activity and an education system by the first step on the way of transformation of Russia, its transformation into the constitutional state and formations of civil society: "It is excessive to prove how broad development of education and is necessary for success of territorial activity, and for material well-being of the country, and for the correct course of all state life... On fatal value for all future of the people the question of the Russian ignorance is almost equivalent to a question of disposal of the people of oppression of administrative guardianship and an arbitrariness." [1, page 125]. Liberals directly connected the ideas of legal society and the constitutional state with the educational development advancing political reforms.

The most evident idea of expectations of the Russian liberal public of the end

XIX give letters of zemstvoes of 1894-1895 to the emperor century. This campaign, on the one hand, was a graphic evidence of oppositional moods of territorial figures, the liberal intellectuals and, on the other hand, showed lack of internal unity among liberals. Collected about two dozen addresses and one of the most famous ideologists of liberalism of a boundary of the 19-20th centuries managing an economic part of schools of the Vesyegonsk County the prince D.I. Shakhovskoy [1] published in Geneva in 1896 under the pseudonym S. Mirny. Requirements of provincial meetings of Kursk, Tver, Tula, Saratov, Tambov, Moscow, etc. came down to expansion of powers of zemstvoes "because of the existing political system" and did not concern the forms of government [1, page 98].

The sharp according to contents from all addresses sent to the new monarch recognized by the government (Minister of Internal Affairs) the text of the Tver zemstvo in which the sovereign was never called autocratic. - "the tsar's unification with the people" - as the main condition of development of the state mentioned cooperation of the government with representatives of the population Tula, Ufa, Poltava, Saratov, Kursk, Oryol and other zemstvoes [1, page 92-96].

Modern researchers ambiguously estimate character and a role of appeals of zemstvoes addressed to the emperor. So, K.F. Shatsillo characterizes the maintenance of the addresses of zemstvoes addressed to Nicholas II as conservative [2, page 363]. Meanwhile appeals of zemstvoes, despite rather moderate character, by estimates of the historian A.V. Lubkov, represented "a precedent of intervention of organized public forces, dangerous to the autocratic power, in affairs of public administration. The fact of political opposition of zemstvo to the official mode meant transition of moderately liberal territorial movement to qualitatively new stage of development" [3, page 50].

The Russian public acting through territorial figures through expression of expectations about the national benefit in

letters on the highest name gained experience of open expression of own views resisting to official positions. And the first such experience, certainly, was rather moderate and careful in a form, however, from our point of view, meant the beginning of a new stage in activity of liberally adjusted public forces.

Besides "requests" and "hopes" on investment of zemstvoes with monarchical trust and open access to a throne, many addresses contained specific proposals: development of education, publicity, a unification of the power with all estates, permission of radical issues of agriculture and land tenure. In the addresses of the Kursk and Oryol zemstvoes the introduction of general literacy and development of school business is called the most important task of the public and territorial institutions [1, page 96-97]. In the address of the Chernihiv zemstvo it was hoped that "in the most important area of our activity, in national education, we will be exempted from a number of the adverse conditions constraining this activity and that at bigger development of publicity needs and all parties of our local life, cares of which are provided to zemstvo, will more brightly be investigated." [1, page 98].

D.I. Shakhovskoy calls two major obstacles in a way of development of education in Russia: "constraint of the legislation in relation to any educational activity" and "insignificance of the folk remedies spent for a teaching department" [1, page 125]. The state, seeking to keep under control the system of primary, secondary and higher education as the most important instrument of ideological influence, created extremely cut down and constrained school legislation. Territorial liberals addressed the emperor with offers to remove barriers on the way of development at least of primary education; as much as possible to limit influence of spiritual department on formation of national school; to allow public organizations and individuals to be engaged in educational activity; to exempt the territorial budget "from a number of obligatory expenses on institutions alien to zemstvo", to cancel some constraining conditions of territorial taxation it had an opportunity to spend more funds for school business; to increase expenses of the state on development of education and to grant to zemstvoes the loans for construction of school buildings [1, page 126-127].

The known speech of Nicholas II on January (29), 1895 on a formal reception in St. Petersburg in which the new emperor confirmed continuity of a former political policy and called appeals of zemstvoes 17 "senseless dreams", shook not only liberals, but also moderate conservatives. Radicalism in performances liberal about -

shchestvennost considerably amplified, liberally adjusted journalism openly criticized the bureaucratic government and demanded business cooperation of the authorities with public members.

In the territorial environment the few group constitutionally of the adjusted figures which leaders were I.I. Petrunkevich, A.A. Bakunin, V.A. Goltsev, F.I. Rodichev, D.I. Shakhovskoy, etc. was created. This group made the program enough radical transformations including reform of the State Council and convocation of Territorial cathedral. In November, 1903 the official registration at the I congress of territorial representatives of the "Union of zemtsev-constitutionalists" which set as the purpose promotion of the constitution and national representation came to the end [4, page 76]. And in January, 1904 the "Union of release" which united in the ranks of zemets and the liberalnodemokratichesky intellectuals was created. The program of this "Union" declared the requirement of "immediate convocation of the constituent assembly on the basis of general, direct and secret giving of voices for development of the Russian constitution" [5].

The question of need of creation of the constitutional system in Russia became key in works of most of philosophers, historians and jurists of the beginning of the 20th century. Appeals to reforms and change of a political system in Russia, on the one hand, and refusal of the government to go for sweeping changes on the basis of the existing law, on the other hand, put a problem of the power, the right and the state in the center of public attention. Issues of education were not put in the forefront, however without solution of the problem of illiteracy of the population of Russia all projects of creation of the constitutional state turned into an empty phrase. Besides, liberals, as well as their political opponents, realized force of ideological influence of an education system and called for release of school from influence of church and the state (government).

At a boundary of the 19-20th centuries of a problem of political and educational reforms intertwined and required the immediate solution. On the one hand, the general liberalization of society was necessary for educational development. Reforms of Russian education in the spirit of modern to them the European trends demanded advantages of pluralism, multiformity and variability. Progressively adjusted Russian public proclaimed the principles of nationality of education, openness of an educational system for society, a humanization and humanitarization of education. On the other hand, without development of education, elimination of illiteracy of most of adult population of Russia it was senseless to dream of creation of really constitutional state and -

mokratiya. Thus, carrying out political reform became an indispensable condition for implementation of changes in education, and, in turn, educational reform became the key to success of the state transformations.

To "Start of the mechanism of reforms" at HK-boundary

XX centuries in Russia, the country of traditional development, with old monarchic roots, were disturbed by ideology and practice of autocracy in its extreme forms of "kesarepapizm". The Russian tsar-autocrat was unlimited in the powers, except for two conditions: compliance with law about a succession to the throne and confessions of Orthodoxy. The dual nature of the power of the orthodox sovereign interfered with any evolution, doomed autocracy to stagnation. The authorities could undertake, certainly, reforms "from above", but on it the will was necessary. To it public forces of the country also appealed, remembering that it is better to carry out transformations "from above", than to wait for them "from below". The left wing of liberalism suggested to make use of experience of the Western European states and to pass to creation of the constitutional parliamentary state with broad democratic rights of the person by an example of the English and French monarchy. Representatives of the Right-wing liberal circles proceeded from recognition of identity of the Russian culture, lack of necessary historical and common cultural conditions for direct transition to parliamentarism and offered creation of the constitutional state with the strong monarchic power, close in essence to the dualistic form of government.

Issued in October days 1905. The constitutional democratic party in a political part of the program noted that it sees the future of Russia in the constitutional system; with one-or the two-chamber national representation participating in implementation of legislature, elected on broad democratic basis; the government, responsible before a meeting of national representatives (see: [6, page 35-36]). As among leaders of political association there were most educated representatives of the Russian society, the high school professorate famous is far outside the country scientists, writers, publicists, already the first program of cadets contained specific proposals on reforming of the judicial system, legal support of financial and economic policy of the state, formation of the agrarian and working legislation.

The eighth, finishing section of the program was specially devoted to issues of education. Paragraphs of this section contained the main directions of reform of a system Russian obrazo-

vaniye. So, the first elements of transformations had to become: "destruction of all stesneniye to receipt in school connected with a floor, origin and religion"; "freedom of a private and public initiative in opening and the organization of educational institutions of all types and in the field of out-of-school education; freedom of teaching" [6, page 42]. As the sphere of education and education is most subject to ideological, political influences, and fight for "minds" and voices of potential voters in the future could distort the idea of education, cadets besides obligatory attributes "freedoms" and "democratization" in education put forward the principle of "centralization". However this principle did not mean the state control and censorship. "Centralization" had to provide unity of approaches to education level in schools of various types: "to a .mezhd by various steps of schools of all categories direct link for simplification of transition from the lowest step to the highest has to be established" [6, page 42].

Further, the unity of the principles "freedoms, democratization and centralization" had to "penetrate" all structure of education and find reflection in "full autonomy and freedom of teaching", access to education due to increase in number of educational institutions and pupils in them, decrease or elimination of a tuition fee (depending on the nature of school), the organizations of educational work, the free organization of students. At the same time educational institutions had to become "open for society": "broad participation in setting of teaching and educational business has to be provided to .mestny public institutions", especially it belonged to averages and initial educational institutions.

Understanding that without elimination of illiteracy many reforms are doomed, cadets made the demand of "introduction of general, free and compulsory education at elementary school". And the device was offered care of elementary school, including rendering "financial support by the needing pupil", ". educational institutions for adult population", "national libraries", "public universities" to assign to shoulders of local governments. All building of a system of education had to "crown" development of professional education of all steps [6, page 42-43].

It is indicative that the political program of the constitutional democrats begins with requirements of all-democratic freedoms and comes to the end with consideration of issues of development of education as indispensable condition of providing the provisions which are put forward in the program.

On positions, close to the constitutional democrats, were in questions of the state reorganization of Russia Party liberal and Party of democratic reforms. Determining by a main goal of party carrying out in life of requirements "reforms not only the humane and corresponding to interests all classes, but also almost feasible", "liberal" in the program published in the central newspaper Russia [7] offered concrete actions for the solution of sore problems of the Russian reality: state reorganization, development of local government and autonomy, judicial reform. The party program liberal besides a political part contained extensive sections: cultural and school program, financial and economic program, program of the working legislation, agrarian program. The Kulturnoshkolny program in the general program of this party followed a political part at once, ranking second honourable: ".po to conditions of the Russian life, business of national education, education and education, besides not only at school, but also out of it, i.e. in family, society, etc., has to be of extreme importance" [7].

That liberal allocated to national education the priority place, also thorough "study" of all points of "the cultural and school program", existence concrete, "with knowledge of a subject" offers demonstrates. Liberal set as the purpose of educational activity "education of the person on a humanity ideal: physically strong and healthy, intellectual educated, morally and socially prepared for life in society and the native people". For achievement of this purpose as it was noted in the political party program, serious reforms in all education system were necessary: total freedom of school from the power of church and as far as possible big freedom of school from influence of the state. Control of education was supposed to be exercised through multistage - district, provincial, regional (autonomous) and all-imperial - school educational councils in which there would be representatives of educational institutions; the inspectors exempted from administrative functions; scientists and representatives of educational societies. According to the program of liberal, two structures had to provide unity of administrative management: from the state - the Ministry of national education; from society - electoral imperial educational school council [7].

Among the main objectives of the state in education liberal "nationalization of school in the spirit of legitimate needs of each people" was called p. In practice it would mean obes-

baking of development of national schools: teaching national language, training at national schools in the native language, involvement of teachers of the corresponding nationalities to teaching at national schools. Liberals, relevant to start the 20th century, the principles of pluralism of education, its multiformity and variability admitted. The party program of liberal contained the special sections devoted to recognition of need of development of specialized educational institutions for training of priests, military, etc. At the same time it was noted that the existing similar educational institutions are military and yunkersky colleges, military academies, spiritual schools, seminaries and academies - for the benefit of society have to be reorganized to destroy in them "spirit of a caste".

The party of liberal proclaimed the principles of openness of an educational system for society and differentiation of schools. The next events had to provide implementation of these principles according to the called program: the organization of parental circles for ensuring rapprochement of family and school; the device of educational and orphan houses for the children deprived of family, schools shelters, gardens and a day nursery for children with limited opportunities or children from dysfunctional families. Besides, "the kulturnoshkolny program" provided a number of measures for granting opportunities of education to socially unprotected population groups: expansion of network of the free lowest - national and city schools, including "mobile" for points with small population density; cheapening of vocational schools; free distribution of educational literature and grants by the needy pupil; institution of grants for capable children from poor families. As requirements of time the task of compulsory free education at elementary and high schools and "whenever possible - at the higher schools" was set. Expenses on the maintenance of schools of all levels were offered to be distributed between the state and zemstvoes [7].

Besides the principles of development of educational reform called above, liberal proclaimed need of a humanization and humanitarization of education, the sequence and the continuity of education. The school had to serve the interests of society and draw "a close attention to physical training; intellectual development not only in the sense of memory enrichment with the knowledge, necessary for life, but also in the sense of development of mind and ability to judgments; on the religiousness directed not towards dogmatics and a ceremony, and morality; on the oblagorozheny hearts and strengthening of will necessary for about -

shchestvenny life; on development of aspiration to fine" [7].

Implementation of educational reform demanded systemacity and the sequence. "The cultural and school program" called Parties of liberal for unity of all educational system to provide a possibility of free transition of pupils from schools of the lowest type in school of average and highest type. Further in the program concrete recommendations about reorganization of schools of initial and average, general highest (universities) and the technical higher schools, women's educational institutions followed. Among the recommendations of the called program the actions offered by many teacher's societies and congresses of teachers of those years are easily recognized. So, in development of primary (lowest) education it was offered: transformation of one-great schools to two-cool; increase in number of classes of city schools; development of material resources of educational institutions, especially libraries; introduction to process of training of elements practical - agricultural and craft - formations that did not cancel and did not replace special professional initial schools.

In the field of high comprehensive school the establishment of unity like high school which would unite positive sides humanitarian (classical) and real (professional was offered, first, ". - M of V.)". The native language and literature, history and the beginnings of jurisprudence, biology (anatomy and physiology of plants and animals), mathematics were recognized as obligatory disciplines of high school. Secondly, supporting freedom of development of secondary education, liberal allowed in the long term development of average classical gymnasiums and real (professional) average educational institutions. At the same time they noted need of replenishment of training programs of the first - objects real (natural study, drawing, drawing), the second - objects humanitarian (antique and Western European literature). Inclusion of these points in the program showed aspiration of originators to giving to formation of the principles of the active and developing character.

Reform of the higher education was among liberal "essential" requirements. It is obvious that university employees from among party members worked at this section of the program. As well as the previous points of the program, this point contained specific proposals on change of structure of faculties; increase in number of departments "level with specialization of knowledge"; reforming of teaching and expansion of independent "educational and scientific" training of students; expansion scientific and material-

ache bases of the universities: laboratories, specialized offices, clinics, libraries, etc. [7]

Thus, in "The cultural and school program" of Party of liberal the main principles of educational reform of the Russian liberalism were proclaimed: democratization of society; differentiation, variability and multigradualness of education; nationality and openness of education for society; regionalization; humanization and humanitarization; active character and continuity.

The fall of 1905, in connection with emergence of "The manifesto of freedoms" and the announcement of the beginning of a campaign, elective in the Duma, was characterized by emergence in Russia of huge number of parties of the widest political range. It is difficult to rank many of them as any certain political camp unambiguously: radical, almost revolutionary requirements for some questions of the Russian reality were combined in programs with moderate or even conservative - on others. Deep transformations of the political system of Russia were offered by the Radical party which existed not for long: since November, 1905 before dissolution of the I Duma. In the political program the party stated that it "recognizes as the most finished form of a political system the democratic republic. At the constitutional form of government (possibly, constitutional and monarchic. - M of V.) party, remaining the right program, considers necessary strictly parliamentary system" [8, page 2]. In the field of national education the party was limited to two points: "immediate and full office. schools from church" and "introduction of free and compulsory initial education" [8, page 2].

Representatives of the Right-wing liberal social thought in improvement of the political system suggested to follow the principles of the sequence and gradualness, considering an originality of historical development of Russia, its dual situation between the East and the West. Speaking about Russia, one of the main ideologists formed in October, 1905. "The union on October 17", professor of the Moscow university, the founder of the High female courses in Moscow V.I. Guerrier wrote: ".nikaky other state had no such clear monarchic beginning" [9, page 13].

Defining position of Russia between the West and the East, the publicist Alexey Pletnev noted "ma-lokulturnost the population in its weight" in Russia and, therefore, impossibility of immediate introduction of "fruits of the western representation", such as parliament, democratic election system, responsible government, etc. [10].

At the same time liberals claimed how the performance of the member Tambov otde-testifies

the line of "Union" of V. Petrovo-Solovovo that "the true unification between the monarch and the people can happen only on the soil of political freedom". Octobrists connected transition to a new system with evolutionary development of the state on a strong constitutional basis [11, page 4].

The program "The union on October 17" was not beyond the rights granted by the Manifesto which date of signing was used in the name of party. Concepts of "political freedom" and "a political maturity" are not identical. Therefore in the party program "The union on October 17" in the section "Cares of National Education" is noted: "the .samy fate of the carried-out nowadays political reform considerably depends on degree of consciousness with which the population will treat implementation of the rights granted to it. The union supports that needs of national education were put in legislative works of the Duma in the forefront and that on satisfaction of these needs the widest means were assigned" [11, page 6].

Among urgent cares of the state and society of development of national education the Octobrists called practical implementation of general elementary education; increase in number of average and higher educational institutions, especially technical; providing ample opportunities for participation in distribution of education, opening and maintenance of educational institutions to private and public initiatives; improvement of training programs of schools of all levels and views with the purpose of their rapprochement with life and ensuring continuity between various steps of schools [11, page 6-7].

Conditions of reaction led the liberal parties to split of ranks. The structure "The union on October 17" left many eminent persons who refused to support the reactionary policy of the government and formed party of "Peaceful updating". In 1909 a part of deputies of the III Duma united with representatives of nationalist circles of moderate sense and formed party of the Russian nationalists headed by the landowner P.N. Balashov. Then there was an ideological dissonance and in party of "National Freedom".

A certain evidence of split of the liberal movement was the release of collections of Articles "Milestones" (1909), "The intellectuals in Russia" (1910) [12]. Authors of collections, very famous liberal figures, authoritative scientists and publicists, differently estimated modern to them a political and spiritual condition of the Russian society. Authors of "Milestones" summed up the results of revolution and came to the conclusion in regularity of its defeat. In many respects vekhovets explained it with character ""the spiritual engine" of revolution - Russian

intellectuals" [12, page 44]. Despite heroism, self-sacrifice and dedication in which intellectuals differed to them, on belief of vekhovets, did not get spiritual proximity with the Russian people. The main lesson which the intellectuals had to take out from revolution of belief to P.B. Struva, was in rethinking value of "the doctrine of service to the people". "Revolution was done badly", - he writes. However the failure reason "not in how did revolution, and that it was done in general. Did revolution when all task was in that efforts to concentrate on political education and self-education" [12, page 148].

"Out of the idea of education in policy there are only two opportunities: despotism or okhlokratiya" [12, page 147]. What was meant by the appeal to education which sounded in "Milestones"? Refusal of "policy of excitement of a people at large", recognition of "policy" a part of spiritual education which cornerstone the idea not of external organization of public life, and internal improvement of the person" has to be "[12, page 149].

The ideas of education in statement of authors of "Milestones" were caused by development of education and the system of the general education [12, page 118]. The intellectuals, according to N.S. Bulgakov, had "monopoly of the European education and education in Russia, it is its chief conductor in thickness of the hundred-million people. Russia cannot manage without. educations under the threat of political and national death. as it is high and considerable. historical calling of the intellectuals as also the ustrashayushcha its historical responsibility to the future of our country is huge, both the next, and remote!" [12, page 45].

About coherences of processes of democratization of public life and educational development, national education were written by all authors of "Milestones". N.A. Berdyaev noted: "Still our intelligent youth cannot recognize independent value of science, philosophy, education, the universities, still subordinates to the interests of policy, parties, directions and circles. Defenders of unconditional and independent knowledge, knowledge as the beginning towering over public topic of the day are still suspected of reactionism. And this disrespect for knowledge shrine was always promoted much by activity of the ministry of national education. The political absolutism and here so distorted soul of the advanced intellectuals that the new spirit only hardly makes the way in consciousness of youth" [12, page 26].

Aspirations, on the one hand - the intellectuals to give to science and education "ideological" character, on the other hand - the governments, due to education to achieve political goals,

underwent special criticism of vekhovets. Recognizing as a necessary condition of development of educational reforms the state and public support, authors of "Milestones" stood up for the independent, independent value of education, "extra party membership" of science. N.A. Berdyaev wrote: "It is necessary to recognize, at last, that the "bourgeois" science and is real, objective science, the "subjective" science of our populists and "class" science of our Marxists have more than the general with a special form of belief, than with science" [12, page 34].

"As. she (intellectuals) understands tasks of national education?" - S.N. Bulgakov asks a question in "Milestones". And itself answers it: "She understands them educationally, i.e. first of all as development of mind and enrichment with knowledge. However, for the lack of time, an opportunity and, what is even more important, education at educators this task is replaced with dogmatic statement of the exercises dominating at present in this party (all this, of course, under the name of the most strict scientific character), or the message of separate knowledge from different areas. At the same time also all our general bad manners, a lack of schools, manuals and, first of all, lack of simple literacy affect in the strongest way. In any case, the education task in intellectual sense is set ahead of initial training, i.e. the message of elementary knowledge or just literacy. For intellectual educators these tasks contact indissolubly political and party tasks for which superficial education is only necessary means" [12, page 78-79].

In works of all authors of "Milestones" the confidence in need of the advancing development of processes of education and education over processes actually political and state anyway sounded. And processes of education and education demand time, persistent work, do not suffer cataclysms and jumps. Authors of the collection "Milestones" put forward the idea of revision of the traditional liberal policy based on recognition of a prevalence of external political forms of freedom, i.e. democratic institutes of the state over forms spiritual. B.A. Kistyakovsky only from vekhovets noted dialectic unity and interrelation of freedom external and internal. He wrote: ".dukhovny freedom is possible only at existence of freedom external, and the last is the best school for the first" [12, page 110]. Other authors of "Milestones" were more categorical and as in the preface to the collection M.O. Ger-shenzon claimed, defended need "theoretical and practical superiority of spiritual life over external forms of the hostel in the sense that internal life of the personality is the only creative force of human life." [12, page 23].

"Milestones" with delight were met by a considerable part of the intellectuals, representatives of nationalist parties, government circles and even the Black Hundreds that appeared a little unexpected even for vekhovets. However in the left liberal environment and among radicals the emergence of the collection "Milestones" caused mostly negative attitude and was the additional proof of further expansion of a range of public opinion in Russia during the period after the revolution.

The answer of the left liberal public to "vekhovets" was the collection "The Intellectuals in Russia". His authors performed with cutting, but as it seems to us, fair criticism of many, first of all political, motives of "Milestones". They condemned attempt of vekhovets to reduce all Russian liberation movement to the movement of the intellectuals, and a revolutionary performance of the people to activity of "intellectual" propagandists and propagandists [12, page 249-254]. Revolution was national, and its main outcome was in what it proved: in Russia there "are" people. But most of all authors of the collection "The Intellectuals in Russia" object against vekhovets understood only a narrow social group of persons of supporters of the socialist and narodnichesky ideas as the intellectuals, attributed it ideological fanaticism, political short-sightedness. Specially several articles of the collection are devoted to consideration of a phenomenon of "intellectuals", his psychological portrait, historical conditions of formation.

D.N. Ovsyaniko-Kulikovsky in article "Psychology of Russian Intelligentsia" noted: "The intellectuals - all this educated society; all who anyway, directly or indirectly, actively or passively take part in intellectual life of the country are its part" [12, page 382]. The intellectuals are distinguished by "intellectual activity". The intellectuals, according to D.N. OvsyanikoKulikovskiy's remark, form "the conceiving environment" and develop "cultural wealth" of society: science, philosophy, art, morals, etc. [12, page 384385]. In the countries about the "product" made by the intellectuals developed for centuries by spiritual culture it is perceived easily and naturally. "Differently there is a matter in the countries backward where the spiritual culture is business new and unusual. Here people do not accept the spiritual benefits, broadening the sphere of the spiritual interests and deepening the capacity of the thought, and choose what is represented to the answering their sincere inquiries" [12, page 386].

"The intellectuals of all countries was passed through this phase. The type of the intellectual ideologist was known everywhere", however "Russian intelligentsia since the 18th century and up to now endures an ideological phase" [12, page 387], - D.N. Ovsyaniko-noted

Kulikovsky. Many tragedies of the educated people of Russia were caused by the fact that to them, intellectuals - carriers of the liberating ideas - it was necessary to face in life not other ideas (to fight against which they were ready), and with lack of the ideas - traditional mental skills, life. The author brings

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