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About rich Celtic burial of the middle of the 6th century BC in Hokhdorf



o RICH CELTIC BURIAL of the MIDDLE of the 6th century BC. In HOHDORFE

F.I. Mets

The group of the graves differing in the big sizes and the set of funeral stock which is given by quantity and quality which part the vehicle, products from precious metals, import bronze vessels [Schnitzler, 1996, as a rule, are is distinguished from kurganny burials of the Hallstatt culture. River 111]. These burials in modern European archaeological literature are designated by the terms important "princely burial" ("Das Fürstengrab", "La Tombe princière", "Chieftain&s grave"). The specified terms have rather conditional character as the social structure of the Celtic society of the Hallstatt era is studied not enough and functions of Celtic "princes" by different researchers are estimated ambiguously: they are considered elders, leaders, tsars, the Supreme priests and so forth (see: [Willms, 2002. S. 6-7]). Meanwhile the set of examples when at the people which are at one with Celts level of social development, one face could accumulate in itself both the secular, and spiritual power is known. And the analysis of funeral stock allows to ask that such "combination of positions" was also inherent in at least some of Celtic "princes".

One of the most interesting burials of a "princely" rank among the Hallstatt antiquities is the kurganny burial in Hokhdorf near Stuttgart (State of Baden-Württemberg, Germany) dated about 550 BC investigated in 1978-1979 [Biel, 1998]. Without being robbed in the ancient time and dug out with application of all of techniques and technologies available by then, it gave in hands of archeologists the richest information including received at a research of the artifacts made of organic materials (tree, fabric, fur, traces of the alcoholic drink made from honey). The value of burial in Hokhdorf is defined also by the fact that it, perhaps, is the most "completed" with various objects, unambiguously treated issledovavatel as products of very high semantic status among monuments of Hallstatt. It is the wooden vehicle, objects which are included in the package of "table" set, a huge bronze copper it is more which on volume among materials from the Hallstatt burials only the well-known crater from Vix (see: [Joffroy, 1979]), a set from nine brothels, the bronze funeral bed (wedge), gold jewelry found on a skeleton, a dagger, onions (?) and a quiver with arrows, conical shape a headdress from birch bark. Also reconstructed patterns, and their color scheme on numerous fabrics which residues are tracked literally on all area of the funeral camera (fig. 1) are very interesting. The set of these data definitely indicates the ambiguous social status of the person buried here, however attempts of their semantic interpretation are connected with objective difficulties, and first of all with lack of the written sources relating to the Hallstatt period. At the same time, considering undoubted belonging of Celts to Indo-European language family and also widespread opinion that since prehistoric times from Irish to the manchzhursky coast there was a uniform civilization (in the sense that no natural or artificial obstacles prevented almost continuous contacts between different parts of the Eurasian continent), it is possible to try to use at judgment of archaeological sources of the Celtic origin the data which are saved up when studying other ethnic groups and cultures sometimes removed on considerable geographical or chronological distances, but which are approximately at the identical level of social development. Such assumption especially is probable that the structure of funeral stock of "princely" burial from Hokhdorf has in many respects something in common with that of rich burials of an era of early iron in the territory of Eurasia.

Considering that Celts of an era of Hallstatt were at a stage of military democracy and, according to messages of later antique authors literally were "mad" in the war, it is logical to assume that "prince" from Hokhdorf also had to be the military leader of one of the Celtic tribes. The usual diagnosing sign of military burials is existence in the last objects of arms. The spear which was a part about 10% of men's burials [Spindler, was 1983 the main weapon of Celts of this time. S. 284-289]. Also the sword was of great importance that is documented not only its finds in burials, but also the image of dancing with a sword on a wedge from Hokhdorf. It is important to note that finds of iron and bronze swords (about 300 copies) in regions of the Hallstatt culture to the north of the Alps are especially frequent [Plouin, 1996]. Rather often (about 150 copies) daggers [Spindler, meet 1983. S. 284-289]. Besides, sometimes find axes in burials of soldiers [Pauli, 1978; S. 218-220, Taf. 140, 6; 219, C4], but K. Shpindler highlights that their single finds, as a rule, are connected with stock of "princely" burials [Spindler, 1983. S. 284-89]. Also onions and arrows had a certain value as a subject of arms. This category is presented by tips of arrows and the remains of quivers [Pauli, 1978. S. 228-236, Abb. 30, 3; Taf. 129D, 3-12; Wegner, 1978. S. 100-104, Abb. 7; Zeller, 1980. S. 124; Hoppe, 1983. S. 86-93, Abb. 7; 9; 1986. S. 59, Taf. 98, 3-19; 119, 4; Hennig, 2001. S. 54-55, Abb. 19]. Burial in Hokhdorf, according to a remark of the author of excavation Y. Beale, had "peace" character. Really, in it there are no sword, protective arms, and the iron axe, a knife and an edge and a shoot of a cervine horn lying together with the objects which are a part of "a ceremonial service", most likely, were not weapon, but "myasnitsky accessories" [Biel, 1998. S. 64] or that is more probable, the "set" of tools used for sacrifice of an osvezhevaniye and cutting of carcasses of the animals intended for

public sacrifices [Pauli, 1988/89]. Also the absence in a funeral complex of images of a boar attracts attention though figures of this universal symbol of force, power, are known to military valor at Celts in hundreds of copies [Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 94-95]. However this impression of "peace" character can be deceptive. It was already noted that the real value of weapon and its presence as funeral stock among themselves are not correlated [by Spindler, 1983. S. 284-289], besides, both the sword, and a dagger often were the symbols marking high social or religious position buried [Plouin, 1996. S. 20-25]. And such symbol in Hokhdorf is - it is the dagger hanging on a belt of "prince" and on wealth and quality of finishing it holds exclusive position among similar products of Hallstatt. The find in burial of a quiver with arrows is represented very important (the remains of onions were not recorded). Y.

Beale considers that onions and arrows and also three iron fishing hooks found on remains around a breast were no more than "hunting ammunition" and indicate personal addictions buried [Biel, 1998. S. 65-66]. However the value of a quiver with arrows in burial of such rank could be also other.

Fig. 1. Reconstruction vnutrennrgo a type of the funeral camera of a barrow in Hokhdorf:

1 — with a drapery (on: [Banck-Burgess, 1999]); 2 — without drapery (on: [Biel, 1998])

In many cultures onions and arrows since the most ancient times have symbolical value [Rayevsky, 1981; Savostina, 1983]. Especially clearly the sacralization of this weapon acts during an era of early iron: various rituals and ceremonies which main attributes are onions and arrows gain great value, at tribes of the Scythian and Thracian worlds onions become a symbol, insigniy throne [Rayevsky, 1977. Settlement page 75; Ancient Gold..., 1998. River 164, cat. 93]. At Celts on symbolical value of this weapon as it is represented, specifies the presence of kolchanny sets at "princely" burials (Homikhele and Hokhdorf) recorded in two cases while in ordinary graves the remains of quivers meet very seldom. Also the provision of a quiver with arrows in a barrow at Hokhdorf is indicative. If in Homikhel it, apparently, lay in the heads of men's burial [Fischer F., 1982. S. 15-16, Abb. 16-17], at the owner of a "gold" dagger it hung on a klina back [Biel, 1998. S. 48, Abb. 33]. The similar iconographic scheme — the onions (in burn or without) which are hanging on a tree, on a wall, on a column, simply "soaring" in air during an era of early iron becomes widespread very much on extensive spaces of Eurasia. In allegoric sense this formula was peculiar

the epithet indicating heroic essence of the character (characters) over which onions are represented [Savostina, 1983]. And not onions were sometimes represented in you burn, and just burn. Whether the lack of traces of onions in Homikhele and Hokhdorf's burials is explained by it?

Also the structure of kolchanny set of Hokhdorf is curious. It included fourteen arrows, thirteen of which had iron tips of a form, typical for the Hallstatt antiquities, and one — bronze (fig. 2). K. Shpindler noted that for war and hunting only iron and bronze tips of arrows [Spindler, were used 1983. S. 284-289]. However the bronze tips published in G. Vegner and L. Paulie's works do not make an impression utilitarian [Pauli, 1978, Abb. 30, 5; Wegner, 1978, Abb. 7; 8]. They are made of a thin bronze leaf, have the small sizes, and some are manufactured frankly carelessly. All this, obviously, also formed the basis for the assumption of their use as pendants and amulets [Wegner, 1978. S. 110]. Apparently, also the tip from Hokhdorf was among amulets. In the enrollment considered by a quiver this tip, certainly, looks an anachronism. The archaism is caused by the vtulchaty form vividly reminding bronze era tips and product material — bronze. Also the form and material already go out of use by this time. But archaic arrows (arrows, obsolete) or their models often acquire the sacral status: serve as personal amulets, are used as gifts to temples, butts on cult places and so forth. Probably and application of such arrows in the ceremonial purposes. In a case with a bronze tip also the sacral status of the metal — bronze or concepts ritually identical to it is updated: "gold" — "red" — sun — "fire" — "East" (see: [Ozheredov, 1999]. The arrow with a gold tip is as a part of funeral stock of a saksky "royal" barrow Issyk (Kazakhstan) where it contacts a ritual of a sacral plowing the leader of the earth and eventually the idea of fertility which carrier and the embodiment was a leader [Akishev, 1978]. Besides, the arrow with a bronze tip could play also a role apotropeya, having ability to drive away evil spirits. The similar purpose can be assumed also for arrows with bronze tips of the Hallstatt culture. The legitimacy of such assumptions is caused not only universality of the mythemes connected with weapon, but also some coincidence which accidental nature is improbable. In this case coincidence of the ornaments decorating details of quivers at the people between direct contacts during which era of early iron are almost excluded is interesting. At excavation of one of barrows of uyuksky culture of Scythian time in Tuva the wooden level playing a role of a stiffening rib of a leather quiver was found. The circular ornament from two concentric circles with a point in the center was applied on it. A.D. Grach treats this ornament as the image of a solar symbol [1980]. If to consider wide circulation of ideas of an arrow as the embodiment of a ray of sunlight, then emergence of such ornament on a quiver is appropriate and explainable. But just the same ornament was applied on a horn ring — the basis of the quiver found in burial 33 Hallstatt burial grounds in Treykhtlingen-Shambakh in Bavaria [to Nora, 1983. S. 89-91, Abb. 7].

Fig. 2. Tips of arrows from a kolchanny set of a barrow in Hokhdorf:

(on: [Biel, 1998])

To the special semantic status of an arrow with a bronze tip from Hokhdorf, perhaps, one more detail demonstrates. Results of the dendrology analysis showed that at production of staffs of the arrows found in a quiver of "prince" the filbert, an euonymus, a guelder-rose, a cornel were used. And only in one case the willow was taken — for an arrow with a bronze tip [Biel, 1998. S. 65]. It is possible that it is not accidental and that for production of a staff of a sacral arrow the special (sacral) breed of a tree was required. Here it is appropriate to remember that stone tips of arrows of a neolytic era in the territory of Eurasia very often had the form copying a form of a willow leaf.

The world ethnography and data of written sources say that ceremonies and rituals in which onions and arrows were used were anyway connected with persons, given in society the highest social and ideological authority. Whether "prince" from Hokhdorf met these requirements? In other words, whether there was he not just the representative of the nobility, but the face comparable on the powers to the Greek basilevsa or persons buried in "royal" barrows of Scythian time (Solokh, Kul-Oba, Chertomlyk, the Thick Grave, Arzhan, Pazyryk, Issyk, Filippovka, etc.)? It is thought that there are bases for affirmative answer on this question.

The analysis of a funeral ceremony and stock and also data of written sources led researchers to the conclusion that the persons buried in "royal" barrows of an era of early iron were not just carriers of supreme authority, spiritual and secular, but also at the same time a symbol of the World order for representatives of the people. It caused extreme symbolism of everything that was connected with burial of persons of such rank: a funeral ceremony, funeral utensils and its arrangement in the funeral camera, the rituals going to in process and after the funeral. Such symbolism is inherent also in hokhdorfsky burial which many details can receive an explanation proceeding from analogies in other cultures of an Indo-European circle.

The high social status of "prince" from Hokhdorf, besides the sizes of a barrow and existence of a "gold" dagger and quiver, is emphasized also with a set of the gold jewelry found on remains buried which are among: hryvnia, bracelet, belt facing, decoration of footwear and two fibula. The hryvnia and a facing of a belt are especially interesting and indicative in this context. The last, apparently, is unique. If from the territory of the Hallstatt culture there are about 20 hryvnias from gold, then a golden belt only one, besides, that bronze is known up to 500 [to Biel, 1998. S. 61-63, 81]. The hryvnia in the wide geographical and chronological range is known as a symbol of the power, power, the right for which carrying was strictly regulated. The belt was considered as one of symbols of military estate. Besides, in mythologies of the people entering into Indo-European community, red color and the metal corresponding to it in the semantic plan — gold were symbols of a caste of soldiers. Therefore so "demonstrative" allocation by gold facings of a dagger and a belt (both are unique!) looks not accidental. In addition one more moment could be beaten. It is known that the most widespread mytheme reflecting the idea of a world order is the life Tree mytheme with her idea of the three-part structure of the universe. The fact that Celts in this sense were not an exception prove at least its image on the well-known copper from Gundestrup [Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 30-31] and a find of its gilded model as a part of cult ensemble from Mankhinga [Maier, 1990]. The idea of a trekhchlennost, three-detail of all real penetrated literally all archaic consciousness. Especially it concerned objects or the persons sacrally significant for any given collective. To this universal space triad there had to correspond also the human body. The tattooed mummy of the buried leader in the II Pazyryksky barrow in Altai is a striking example of display of this idea. The Zoomorfny images represented on his body strictly meet expectations of inhabitants of the lower, average and top worlds [Rudenko, 1953. Page 136-140, fig. 80, 81]. To the same idea of sacral division of a human body into three zones served also such attributes as hryvnia (a cervical hoop, pektoral, torkves) and a belt.

Buried in Hokhdorf lay on bronze a wedge. For the Hallstatt antiquities this product is unique and has no analogs. However the uniqueness belongs to a form and material of a product, but not to the fact of its presence at burial of such rank. Results of the research conducted Yu. Fischer showed that wedge, richly inlaid horn (?), amber and ivory with plates, was even in one "princely" burial of Hallstatt — Grafenbyule [State of Baden-Württemberg, Germany]. And this a wedge was undoubtedly made by attic handicraftsmen [Fischer J., 1990]. But together with the most kliny of the Greek world on the Celtic Wednesday could get as well the representations connected with its concrete appointment. In ancient Hellas of a wedge intended for decumbency of participants of the simposion which had cult or secular character. Also scenes of a pro-thesis with the image of the dead man lying on a wedge are known in the Greek vase painting. However in burials of Greeks of a klina are rare. Apparently, the klina found in burials of Celts were also not only funeral utensils, and served the dead during lifetime: on the klina support from Hokhdorf having an appearance of female figures on wheels obvious traces of a stertost [Biel, are visible 1998. S. 98]. It is possible to allow usual utilitarian purpose of this type of furniture as prestigious accessory to a feast what Y. Beale [Biel does not exclude, 1998. S. 102], however cult looks after all more preferable. Direct analogies a wedge from Hokhdorf as it was already noted, no, however images of relatives in a form of products of approximately same time are available on torevtika objects from Italy. The so-called situla of Chertoz from Bologna is most interesting in this case. Y. Beale gives as an example only a small fragment of its decor with the image of two musicians sitting on a low seat (wedge) with carved legs and sidewalls in a look proty lions, swallowing production (the person and, probably, a hare), noting

at the same time obvious mifologichnost of a scene [Biel, 1998. S. 99, Abb. 59]. If to address the publication of all decor of a situla (fig. 3 [Zannoni, l876. Tav. XXXV, 7]), it is possible to find a number of the lines having parallels in Hokhdorf's burial which accidental nature is improbable.

The decor of a situla consists of four friezes. The top frieze — a procession of pedestrian soldiers in the helmets with copies and boards conducted by two riders with axes on shoulders four figures without boards, also with axes on shoulders close a system. The second and third friezes represent scenes of peaceful life. In the second the procession of daronosets is presented, apparently: the women draped in long attires and in scarfs bear on the heads vessels and baskets, men in skirts and bare-headed bear a situla, one conducts a ram. Several men in this procession are shown dressed in long checkered attires of type of a raincoat, on the heads of them low peaked hats with slightly inflexed edges. These hats vividly remind the birch bark headdress which was lying on a wedge in the heads of hokhdorfsky "prince", and, perhaps, being in other "princely" burial in Bud-Kanshtat, also near Stuttgart [Biel, 1998. S. 64, Taf. 15]. Men in these hats bear situla, in hands or on shoulders, or go without load. The center of composition of the third tier as if is a wedge on which two musicians sit. On musicians and also characters in checkered "raincoats" on the right and to the left of a klina the same low peaked headdresses. Over kliny the "hanging" situla is represented, over its sidewalls two naked men's figures giving forward hands kind of tower dawning on sitting. To the right of a klina the vessel on a high carved support, is represented on each side who is cost by two in the same headdresses, as well as musicians; one of them holds a spoon scoop over a vessel. On the right and at the left "servants" in semicircular hats bring to a wedge of carcass of the killed animals: on the right two bear on shoulders of a deer, at the left one drags for hind legs of a wild boar on whom the bird of prey sits (an eagle?); over it — vegetable escape. Further, in the direction, opposite to a klina, "servant" drives two bulls; he holds an unclear subject, perhaps a plow in hand. On other end of a frieze, to the right of carrying a deer, "servant" with two maces (?) in hands under a tree pursues a long-eared animal, probably a hare. The fourth, lower, the frieze represents a scene of a procession of animals: ahead a deer, behind him the predators which showed mouths reminding lions and dogs, some of them with wings. The last in this row probably a sphinx.

In the decor of this situla having as Y. Beale noted, obviously mythological character, characters in low peaked hats attract attention. In spite of the fact that one of them bears on the left shoulder a sword, and in the lowered right hand the axe, and going before it from situly carries the quiver which is hung up through a shoulder in a hand, they do not make an impression of soldiers. Moreover, execution of a ceremony of a libation by them allows to see in them priests. If this is so, then the third frieze of a situla it is possible to treat as the image of the sacrificial act (feast) devoted to the fertility deity. Such assumption is spoken well by the numerous symbolics correlated to the idea of abundance which is present at this frieze: the farmer driving bulls on a plowed land, vegetable escape, a situla, phallic characters, a klina decor where besides a meander images of birds, most likely natatorial and also scenes of consuming and prosecution of a hare are visible. The waterfowl in many ancient traditions is connected with fertility deities, she could also symbolize the progenitor [Rayevsky, 1972; Kuzmina, 1979]. At Celts this image also strongly coordinates with a solar cult [Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 347-349] and this tradition originates at least in a bronze era [Jockenhövel, 2003]. The idea of female fertility was embodied also by a hare, and in art of Eurasia of an era of early iron and in antique the motive of its prosecution meets quite often [Rayevsky, 1978; Kellner, Zahlhaas, 1993. S. 88, Abb. 12].

Fig. 3. A decor of a bronze situla from Bologna (on: [Zannoni, 1876])

Buried in Hokhdorf also lay on a wedge. To the right of a klina as well as on the situl from Bologna, there was a container with sacred drink for which pouring the gold bowl was intended. In the heads of the dead man, the klina leaned against a sidewall, there was a low peaked hat from birch bark. Wide-brimmed hats, the truth with a high crown, were attribute of priestly vestments during a bronze era [Gerloff, 2003]. Whether the birch bark hat of hokhdorfsky "prince" was also the instruction on its priestly functions? Birch bark receives guarding functions at least during a neolytic era (to enough remember the burials, known in very wide territory, in birch bark covers), and this material, therefore, is relevant to production of sacral vestments; besides, as it was already noted, white color in Indo-European tradition is associated with hieratic priesthood. Besides, many details of burial indicate communication of the fertility buried with a cult. First, bears solar symbolics in the decor itself of a wedge. The frieze minted by a punch representing two vehicles in which there are soldiers armed with copies and boards, and three couples of dancers with swords is framed with the "solar barques" which are coming to an end with heads natatorial (this motive is widespread in Europe since the end of an era of bronze), couples of dancers are divided by other universal solar symbol — the stamped concentric circles with umbony in the center [Biel, 1998, Abb. 54]. Also the klina support executed in the form of holding a wheel between legs (as circus acrobats) female figures with the hands built to the sky [Biel, are very interesting 1998. S. 97-98, Abb. 57, Taf. 29-31]. Y. Beale compared them with the bronze votivny figures from Partsinshpittse and Pustertal in Tyrol representing characters in Oranta's pose and with the figure holding a bowl on the raised hands in the center of the known cult vehicle from Shtayermark [Biel, 1998. S. 100, Abb. 61-63]. Meanwhile the figure from Partsinshpittse having on a breast the sign in the form of five circles (as on a dice), maybe hands with the allocated fingers to show "5" — the sacred number symbolizing immortality at Celts [Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 131]. Perhaps, support of a klina would be more correct to be compared with figures of the Indo-European "Empress of animals". This ancient goddess of fertility was also represented in Oranta's pose, its image is presented to series of gold products of Scythians [Bessonova, 1982a] and in reliefs of the well-known Thracian tomb in Sveshtari [Fol et al., 1986. River 56, No. 42, 43].

The symbolics connected with the idea of fertility in any given aspect and transferred in a type of concentric circles, rhombuses, crosses is born on themselves and by gold jewelry of "prince" and also convivial accessories [Biel, 1998. Taf. 20-24, 32, 38, 39].

Tradition to place the vehicle or the chariot in a grave appears at Indo-Europeans during an era of bronze and continues to occur in later time. During an era of early iron at many tribes it is accessory of rich burials. They are known at the Black Sea Scythians [Bessonova, 1982], Thracians [Venedikov, 1960], the Chinese chariot entirely made of a birch is found in the Pazyryksky barrow of V [Rudenko, 1960. Page 232-236, tab. LII]. The great value to the vehicle as an element of funeral stock was given by Celts: as it was already noted, it was the obligatory attribute of "princely" burials, and at impossibility of the room in a grave of the real vehicle it could replace with model. Traces of such model are tracked in the burial ground at Kematen in Bavaria [Spoletschnik, Bartel, 1998]. Judging by solar symbolics of the decor which remained on some of them the vehicles intended not for a travel to the underground world, and for enheavening. So, bronze metal plates facings of a box of the vehicle from a cave Bichi Scala (former ChSSR) represent a frieze from the alternating swastikas [Egg, 1989. Farbtaf. II]. The solar symbolics is inherent also in the vehicle from Hokhdorf: on its yoke two bronze figures of horses [Biel, were fixed 1998. S. 152, Abb. 82, Taf. 45-46; Green, 1992. River 120-122; Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 268-271]. Besides, the axe which was a part of "myasnitsky" set or "a set for the sacrifice" lying on the vehicle also meant at Celts communication with the sun [Green, 1992. River 36].

Both the color and decorative symbolics of hokhdorfsky fabrics which managed to be reconstructed (see is indicative: [Banck-Burgess, 1999]). A floor, walls of the camera and a wedge were fitted by fabric of white color. On a wall, also thin panels with the embroidered drawing which main ornamental motives are besides rhombuses, swastikas and a meander hung on the vehicle and on a copper. Absolutely prevailing color scale: white, red and blue [Banck-Burgess, 1999. Abb. 45-47, Taf. 29, Beil. 2]. Apparently, this ornamental and color set is characteristic of "princely" burials of Hallstatt: the meander and a rhombus with the swastika entered in it were represented on fabric from Homikhele [Banck-Burgess, 1999. Abb. 33], and in barrows in Glauberg and Raynheim (all in Germany) jugs with honey were wound with the woven tape which had a border of blue color [Frey, Herrmann, 1997. S. 540, Abb. 66]. Fabrics of red, white and blue color in several layers wrapped up also a corpse of hokhdorfsky "prince" [Banck-Burgess, 1999. Beil. 2]. In Indo-European tradition as it was already noted, white color was color of a caste of priests, red — castes of soldiers. Blue color at Celts was devoted to the goddess of the earth [Sharkey, 1975. River 52-53].

Thus, comparison of the available data and attraction of Indo-European analogies allows to say that buried in Hokhdorf during lifetime executed priestly functions. And these data demonstrate that he was the priest of the goddess of the earth or, more widely, goddesses of fertility.

Other data, however, say that it was the person allocated as well with temporal power. Besides a dagger, unique on richness of finishing, the existence in burial of accessories to a feast, first of all a copper (which honor on 2/3 it was filled with the drink made from honey) and a set from nine brothels testifies to it. Roles of alcoholic beverages in secular rituals

Celts work B. Arnold is devoted [Arnold, 1999]. It provides numerous data on value of a ritual of drink at the Celtic elite and indicates that such amount of honey which was in a copper from Hokhdorf (its volume more than 500 l) could be prepared only for the person who had very high social status. About same tells also the fact of presence of a copper at burial. Numerous materials of world ethnography unambiguously demonstrate big semantic loading of this object. The copper acts and as a universal symbol of the universe, and as a link between various worlds, and that it is very important how a symbol of supreme authority of the one who possesses it [Pletneva, 1982. Page 22-23; Balakin, 1998. Page 200-204]. Also the brothel belonging to buried is allocated. Unlike other, made, probably, of a tury horn and the containing about 1 l, this was made of iron, had gold finishing and capacity in 5.5 l [Biel, 1998. S. 114-117, Abb. 68, Taf. 32]. Sets of brothels and dining facilities form number, multiple we rub (9 brothels, 9 plates and 3 dishes). Number "3" had magic value at Celts. In their art various triangles, shamrocks, trikvestra and so forth [are frequent Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 89-90]. It is important to note also that, judging by antique sources, the main fighting unit of Celts ("trimarkiziya") also consisted of three people. Perhaps, nine people (3x3) were the quorum, necessary number of participants of a feast providing its sacrality (see: [Arnold, 1999. River 76-77]). It is possible that and this tradition had wider circulation. The bronze copper from Hokhdorf made by Greeks has three handles located at an angle 120 ° from each other. In the same way the copper from the Sconce (Jutland), already Celtic work has the located three handles [Mortensen, 1991]. But also the amphora found in a Scythian "royal" barrow the Thick Grave [Mozolevsky, has 1972 three handles. Page 280-281, fig. 8]. It makes such number and arrangement of handles not to explain with convenience of transportation, probably, some ritual sense caused by magic value of the three.

In the considered aspect the fact that, on representations of Celts, through alcohol there was a process of transfer of power to the new governor is of special interest, and there was it under the patronage of the goddess of the earth [Arnold, 1999. River 81]. The similar ritual took place at Scythians. In their "royal" burials gold and silver plaques, plates, slips with the image of the goddess sitting on a throne and the Scythian facing her with a brothel in a hand were repeatedly met. According to researchers, the act of the accession to the power of the new governor fixed by his symbolical marriage with the goddess is represented here [Rayevsky, 1977]. The same way a wedge in hokhdorfsky burial, considering presence of those in "erotic" scenes on Etruscan paintings (see: [Arnold, 1999. The river 81]), can symbolize marriage buried with the terrestrial goddess.

the High secular status of "prince" could be emphasized also with other symbols. Probably, Hokhdorf and Magdalenenberg's not accidentally funeral cameras (one more "princely" burial in Baden-Württemberg) were made of oak beams, the oak embodied force and power and in later time corresponded at Celts to image of Jupiter [Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 32-33]. The image of a lion had similar value of a symbol of the tsar, throne in the ancient time. We as if have no data on a stump of this animal during an era of Hallstatt, and its image on the Greek copper from Hokhdorf, perhaps, only among the Celtic antiquities of this time. However from three lions one has undoubtedly Celtic origin [Biel, 1998. S. 119-128, Abb. 69-71, Taf. 34-36]. But, seeking to reproduce by all means on a copper the lost image, Celts could put in it and similar contents. If this is so, then a wedge, the quiver hanging over it and the copper standing nearby could symbolize in parallel and the idea of posthumous deification of the dead. On the chernofigurny vase of the 6th century BC painted with the master Andokid Heracles feasting on the Olympus in an environment of gods is represented. He reclines on a wedge, on the right on a high carved support a dinose with wine, over it hang onions, also the sword burns (fig. 4; [Pfuhl, 1923. S. 70, No. 265]). The stage surprisingly reminds a picture of hokhdorfsky burial. And if to consider that by the time of burial honey was not ready yet and that it intended for the use in other world [Arnold, 1999. The river 87], that this similarity even more amplifies.

Fig. 4. The feasting Heracles. The Chernofigurny vase of painting of Andokid (on: [Pfuhl, 1923])

Summarizing all aforesaid, it should be noted that the term "prince" in relation to buried in Hokhdorf, probably, not adequately reflects a situation. The persons buried in the Hallstatt barrows of such rank, apparently, possessed both the secular, and spiritual power that, in general, is characteristic of many people which were at a similar stage of social development. And the data received when studying other cultures and ethnic groups help to understand and interpret some artifacts and their communications in rich funeral complexes of Celts.

Certainly, studying burial in Hokhdorf is still not complete. Many details it did not receive still convincing interpretation, and their presence at a complex of a tomb is not absolutely clear. It is thought, however, that in a tomb of such rank where everything was sacralized literally, ordinary there should not be a place, and things which utilitarian purpose, apparently, does not raise doubts can have also (and can be only) magic sense. So, around a breast on buried the remains of the leather handbag decorated with a zigzag ornament from bronze beads in which there were three iron fishing hooks and a nail file [Biel, 1998 were found. S. 65-66, Abb. 40, 41, Taf. 18]. Y. Beale considers that the hooks intended for large fish and unknown in other rich burials indicate personal addictions of the "prince" who was the inveterate fisherman and the hunter [Biel, 1998. S. 65-66]. But, if to consider the probable symbolical meaning of a quiver and lack of traces of onions and also location, quite strange for fishing accessories (in a sack, at a breast), then such their value raises certain doubts. Fish though it there was also a universal symbol of the lower world, did not play a noticeable role in art of Celts. Nevertheless its images are on a copper from Gundestrup where she transfers the dead to other world [Botheroyd S. und P. F., 1992. S. 126-127], it is possible to mention also keltibersky ceramics of the 2-1st centuries BC from Numantiya (Spain) where are represented devouring fish animal, similar to horses [Almagro-Gorbea, 1991. River 397]. Two fishes as doleful food were placed in one of the Hallstatt graves in Treykhtlingen-Shambakh while usually put meat of a sheep, goat, pig [Hoppe, 1983. S. 86]. Therefore it is possible to assume that fishing hooks performed functions apotropeya, the protecting dead man from the lower world here. Also "toiletry set" of "prince" which the iron razor, two wooden crests and a nail file [Biel, entered 1998 could have sacral value. S. 66-67, Abb. 41-42, Taf. 6a]. Y. Beale notes typicality of these finds for an era of an average of Hallstatt. Crests not a rarity and in barrows of Scythians and Sarmatians. It is enough to remember at least such masterpiece as a gold crest from Solokh's barrow [Gold der Skythen..., 1984. Kat. No. 51]. Possibly, it is connected with usual for ancient the special relation to hair and nails, comprising vital forces of the person. For an era of early iron this phenomenon is documented by finds in funeral cameras of Pazyryksky barrows, leather sacks with scraps of hair and nails [Rudenko, 1953. Page 335-336, tab. LXXXVI, 2-6]. From here also the magic value of conditioning agents behind them follows. Besides, it is worth remembering that some people had a custom to shave the heads to priests.

On a neck of the dead man it was put on it is low from five drilled amber beads. Y. Beale, referring to magic essence of amber, absolutely fairly notes that it was not ornament, but an amulet [Biel, 1998. S. 68, Taf. 19], especially as also number "5" — sacred. But also two couples fibul could play the same role (bronze and gold). Being extremely widespread element of a suit, in Hokhdorf's barrow they, however, fastened among themselves the ends of funeral panels [Biel, 1998. S. 68, Abb. 43, 45, Taf. 21; Banck-Burgess, 1999. Beil. 2]. It prevents to consider them just personal belongings of the dead. Besides, fibula at early Celts were probably category of products which often sacrificed to gods. So, the early Celtic sacrificial complex at Egesheim (the southwest of Germany

Susan Ortega
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