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S.E. Kryzhanovsky and Polish question

UDK 947.3/.4: 438

A.S. Sokolov S.E. Kryzhanovsky AND POLISH QUESTION

The problem of finding of Poland in the Russian Empire in the years of World War I is considered. Positions of the Russian and Polish sides on revival of statehood of the Kingdom Polish are presented and dynamics of their development is tracked. The role in the solution of this question of state secretary S.E. Kryzhanovsky is analyzed.

The problem of Poland in the Russian Empire within the First World War is considered. The positions of Russian and Polish parties on a question of statement of Polish Kingdom and dynamics of their development are submitted. The role of state secretary S. Krzyzanovski in the decision of this question is analyzed.

In the last decade in a historiography of World War I the transition from studying actually military matters to development of the state and society, economy and culture, the national relations in the conditions of wartime is noticeable [І, page 2]. Within an ethnic question during World War I the Polish problem [2, page 630 — 632 was particularly acute; 3; 4; 5; 6], however its lighting has the specifics: or the diplomatic side of the problem [5] is considered, or the Polish affairs are traced in the context of fight in bureaucratic elite [6], or the Polish accent prevails [3]. At the same time, as it is represented, the project of reforming of Poland, its background and a role of certain authors is still not rather lit that is very important for understanding of events of that time.

In the solution of the Polish question in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century not the last role was played by Sergey Efimovich Kryzhanovsky — the state secretary, the author of many important acts: regulations on the State Duma, State Council and Council of ministers and also all basic electoral laws of the beginning of the last century [7, page ІІ 5]. Its position is interesting also that, being Russian given, it was connected by many bonds with Poland. The father his Efimy Mikhaylovich Kryzhanovsky served five years as the chief of Sedletsky educational directorate and more than ten years as the director І - y to a men's Warsaw gymnasium, was the famous expert in the field of the Russian-Polish relations having a number of publications on this subject [8, page III—XLVI; 9, page І — 4; І0, l. 28]. Certainly, and Sergey Efimovich was not by hearsay familiar with the Polish culture, the relation to which was noted by a certain duality. On the one hand, it was favorably influenced by the environment that was expressed further in respect for the Polish edge and its culture. On the other hand, education of the father, known "Russifier", promoted strengthening in it nationalist sentiments.


The RGU bulletin of I. Kant. 2005. Issue 3. It is gray. Humanities. Page 75 - 80.


S.E. Kryzhanovsky addressed the Polish affairs repeatedly: and when participated in meetings of the count Solsky on establishment of rules of application of the law on elections to the outskirts of the empire [11, page 49] and when developed in 1907 — 1908 projects "about allocation of the Holmsky region from structure of Poland" and "about new state system of the Russian Empire" [11, page 133]. The last project is interesting that it was taken as a basis in 1915 when an attempt of the solution of the Polish question was made. It provided division of the empire into eleven areas with education in everyone Regional territorial Assembly and regional government management with the civil chief at the head. The Regional territorial Assemblies created in accordance with general practice, accepted for territorial elections, acquired the wide legislative rights in all objects which did not have nation-wide value. If decisions were approved by the chief of area, they were valid obligatory resolutions. If the Royal statement took place, they gained value of local laws [11, page 131 — 132]. It is indicative that in a similar situation the interests of Russia which, according to S.E. Kryzha-novsky, needed decentralization were considered, first of all.

Decentralization not only simplified process of management of the country, tried) political literacy of the population, reduced influence of opposition, but also weakened sharpness of an ethnic question. Concerning the last Sergey Efimovich considered that protection of the Russian national interest is necessary, but on condition of the thought-over policy avoiding excessive extremes. And as some outskirts stood above culturally, than the radical Russia, efforts directed to russification of these nationalities were vain and at the same time exhausted the Russian national kernel [11, page 120 — 128]. Then the project about new state system of the Russian Empire though it and bypl is approved by the emperor, postponed until the best times.

The problem of the Polish lands most sharply rose before the Russian authorities shortly before the beginning of World War I. The Minister of Foreign Affairs S. Sazonov suggested Nicholas II to make advances in the report to Poles at least concerning use of the Polish yazygk and self-government to interest them in further stay in structure of Russia. Otherwise the Russian policy could meet great difficulties of the future initiatives in this question of rivals of Russia [3, page 14].

It is necessary to notice that in the same time the Temporary presence for the edition of three collections of local laws for the Kingdom Polish in which S.E. Kryzhanovsky took part [12] worked. Work of this body of life is caused by the imminent vital need long ago: in the territory of Poland there was no uniform legislation agreed with the Russian rules of law. It is interesting that Temporary presence continued works begun in 1899. Temporary commission [13, l. 1 — 3].

From the beginning of fighting the Polish question was even more updated, Russia needs byplo to take some steps in this direction. On September 14, 1914 ruling circles went to the edition of the manifesto signed by the commander-in-chief of the Russian troops grand duke Nikolay Nikolaevich [3, page 15]. In the manifesto also creation of Poland free in the belief, language and self-government uka-zypvatsya on need of association under general jurisdiction of Russia of all Polish lands. Meanwhile the solution of this question was not simple. In political circles of Russia there was an opposition to S.D. Sazonov. And if the Rate in general was to the fastest reorganization of Poland kindly favorable disposed, being afraid that maintaining uncertainty can lead to strengthening of discontent of the Polish population, then in the Russian government byplo there are a lot of opponents of the solution of the Polish problem on the basis of the report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs or an appeal of the grand duke [14, page 15]. The project of autonomism of Poland faced N. Maklakov and I. Shcheglo-vitov's serious counteraction who in general considered reunification of Poland under the power of Russia a minor task [2, page 631; 3, page 16].

However attempts to develop a common position on the Polish question continued. In February, 1915 on the basis of proposals of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the project of his opponents from conservative it is covered the governments of a bypla the basic principles of future organization of "the Russian Poland" are accepted. They bypl are rather conservative as they provided preservation of the main state functions of management under jurisdiction of Petrograd [14, page 40 — 47]. In the spring of 1915 the Polish political figures Velepolskiye's brothers presented to Council of ministers of a note concerning the future of Poland in which expressed discontent with a passive position of the Russian authorities and criticized projects of autonomy [3, page 16].

On May 29, 1915 byplo the meeting of the Russian and Polish representatives on a parity basis for discussion "the preinstructions planned in an appeal of the Most august Supreme Commander rather having is convened to follow transformations in management of the Polish edge". bypl I.L. Goremykin is appointed the chairman of a meeting, and his deputy S.E. Krypzhanovsky [15, l. 186 — 187]. Ivan Logginovich could not direct constantly a meeting therefore the most part of meetings, and all them there were five, passed under the chairmanship of Sergey Efimovich who, knowing language and the history of Poland, could understand better in this case. Except the status of Poland, discussed at a meeting also the issues concerning language and Catholic church. Poles stood on the point of view of autonomy, more and more inclining to the offer on association with Russia in the form of the real union. Russians defended need to keep full state unity. According to Sergey Efimovich, the choice of members of the commission from the Russian side was unsuccessful since except for Svyatopolk-wordly bypl very few people are familiar with the Polish edge [16, page 442 — 443]. Besides Poles, according to the assistant to the Council managing affairs


A.N. Yakhontov's ministers, were more solid, than Russians. The last needed only a unification, differently — "uniform Poland and separate Russia" [17, page 173]. Indicative opinion for bureaucratic elite of that time. The meeting did not lead to any arrangements and had no serious consequences.

In July, 1915 the meeting of Council of ministers at which the question of Poland was considered took place. By this time discrepancies between the higher authority which was still guided by cultural and economic autonomy and the Poles wishing political independence became obvious [18, page 345]. Just before delivery of Warsaw to Germans, on August 1, 1915 I.L. Goremykin made a speech at the session of the State Duma, having said that the tsar charged to the government to develop the project of future post-war device of Poland to provide free development of the Polish lands in the national, cultural and economic relations. As a matter of fact, Goremykin repeated postulates of the manifesto of the commander-in-chief on post-war reforming. Obviously, Goremykin meant prepared by state: secretary S.E. Krytzhanovsky the project "The bases of the local device of the Kingdom Polish", kotorysh provided transfer of the highest management in Poland to the deputy and creation of Diet with powers of a provincial territorial meeting [19, l. 384 — 396].

After occupation of the Kingdom Polish the situation was complicated by the German troops even more. Waugh-pervytkh, foreign policy aspect of a question for Russia began to prevail obviously over internal political. Waugh-vto-rytkh, the disappointment and alarm of Poles reached extreme degree: they were ready to look for rather than the help at Germans, than to remain defenseless between the devil and the deep sea [18, page 350]. Despite this, the Russian government did not undertake measures for a specification of the manifesto of the grand duke. Novypy the head of the government B. Stürmer considered that Russia made quite enough in order that Poles of a bypla are happy.

S.D. Sazonov continued to support drastic measures on the Polish question, being afraid that the initiative will pass to the central powers. Having bypassed Council of ministers after a bad experience to draw its attention to the Polish affairs, the Minister of Foreign Affairs addressed directly the tsar to whom he gave the detailed report on this occasion and got from it permission to present the project of the constitutional device for Poland. This project bypl is developed by the director of the 2nd department of the MFA baron B.E. Nolde with the assistance of state secretary S.E. Krytzhanovsky [18, page 355]. According to the Polish Kingdom project it has to be connected with the Russian State indivisibility of a throne and unity of nation-wide affairs. Treated the last: resolutions on inheritance of a throne and establishment of an imperial surname, foreign policy, armed forces, affairs of orthodox church, monetary circulation and national bank, nation-wide painting of income and expenses, loans for nation-wide needs, the customs legislation, indirect taxation, mail and telegraph, the railroads, state

monopolies, industrial property, the criminal legislation on nation-wide affairs. Under the constitution the Russian emperor had wide powers: he approved laws, executive power belonged to him in full and was carried out through the deputy whom he appointed. However in Poland the two-chamber parliament without which approval no law was valid [14, page 90 — 92 was entered]. The draft constitution life is provided by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to Nicholas II in a rate in Mogilev [18, page 356]. In the same place S.D. Sazonov found the adherent acting through the chief of staff M.V. Alekseev, kotorypy in April, 1916 supported talent to Poland of political autonomy according to wishes of cadets. The position of the general was explained by what, according to him, Russia had to carry out really promised concerning Poland in those sizes which were recognized as admissible, but not less what was offered to them by Austria [14 page 113]. For discussion of a question on Poland it was supposed to hold in a rate a meeting of Council of ministers [6, page 212 — 213]. At the same time the tsar received also a memorial of the prince Stanislav Lyubomirsky, kotorysh suggested not to connect a question of association with a question of autonomy and to develop basic provisions of future device of Poland already now [3, page 17]. A lot of things depended on the choice of the tsar now.

On June 29, 1916 S.D. Sazonov made a speech at a meeting of Council of ministers, reasoning need of publication of the manifesto on talent to Poland of autonomy "in the nearest future". In the center of attention of Nicholas II, S.D. Sazonov and M.V. Alekseev there was the above-stated draft of the Polish constitution which each article underwent thorough examination [6, page 225]. Nicholas asked the questions proving interest in this problem. However the tsar, unlike the Minister of Foreign Affairs, was a supporter of talent to Poland not of political, but administrative autonomy. The position of the emperor had support among most of members of the cabinet. B.W. Stürmer was the main opponent of S.D. Sazonov. The main argument of opponents of the draft of the Polish constitution was fear that the example of Poland can be infectious for other nationalities, "long since imbued with dreams of breeding self-determination" [2, page 632]. As a result S.D. Sazonov's position became so precarious that his careless attempt to accelerate permission of the Polish question contrary to views of the tsar and B.V. Shtyur-mera was a last straw. Without sharing S.D. Sazonov's opinions, the tsar, talking to him on June 29, challenged them. But seeing that all the same not to overpersuade the minister, Nicholas preferred to make an impression that overpersuaded was he. The emperor asked S.D. Sazonov to give to S.E. Krygzhanovsky command about drawing up the manifesto on the most gracious talent Poland of new political system [6, page 227; 14, page 108]. And though the draft of the manifesto bypl is soon made by S.E Kry-zhanovsky and submitted to Council of ministers, the destiny of its bypl is already decided. It not bypl is accepted, and S.D. Sazonov was replaced by B.W. Stürmer that was very indicative in this situation.


Thus, by November, 1916 Russia was actually limited in the policy for Poland only to the manifesto of the grand duke Nikolay Nikolaevich of September, 1914. At the same time any measures for its realization it is taken not byplo. The initiative of life is missed since on November 5, 1916 the central powers at that time controlling the territory of all Poland on behalf of two emperors published the manifesto on formation of the Polish state [2, page 632; 3, page 18]. This decision seriously complicated position of the Russian authorities and transferred a question of the future of Poland to the international plane, having actually discharged Petrograd.

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About the author

Falcons of Ampere-second. — the graduate student of department of history of Russia RGU of I. Kant,

Thomas Ramos
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