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Dialogues about the good and evil in historiographic tradition of late Education (from D. Yum to N.M. Karamzin)

UDK 930.1.322

I.E. Rudkovskaya


(FROM D. YUMA TO N.M. Karamzin)

The komparativny analysis of a role of the ethical ideas in narratives of late Education is given. The ethical component of the text "The history of the state Russian" N.M. Karamzina is considered in the context of the Anglo-Scottish historiographic tradition of the second half of the 18th century

Keen interest in problems of the good and evil, carefully built dialogues with contemporaries about moral and immoral in the past and the present - characteristic of historical works of late Education. The undertaken komparativny analysis of ethical positions of representatives of the Anglo-Scottish and domestic historiography of this period (D, Yuma, V. Robertson, E. Gibbon, M.M. Shcherbatov and

N. M. Karamzina), found reflection in texts of the large-scale historical researches created by them, allows to look at an ethical component in the text "The history of the state Russian" in terms of the approach prevailing in scientific community of the second half XVIII - the beginning of the 19th century

That part which was assigned in historical works of late Education to fight of the good and evil quite met expectations of authors of the Encyclopedia. F. Voltaire in article "History" claimed that it is necessary "to remind of the crimes and misfortunes caused by senseless conflicts" that examples "have a great influence on mind of the sovereign if he reads with attention" [1, page 13 again and again], this thought got support in historiographic practice of late Education. Zh.M. Marmontel's thesis that have to be considered by historians and "customs, nature of the people, talents, passions, defects and virtues of those who predominated in public affairs" [1, page 58-59], focused on the maximum attention to ethical aspects of activity of participants of the past events. Speaking about D. Yum, F. Meyneke not casually noted that that eventually "expected from the history of much stronger moral influence, than from poetry and philosophy" [2, page 156]. History, being, according to D. Yum, a great teacher of wisdom, provides examples of all types therefore he addressed a number of maxims directly to the contemporaries, emphasizing, for example, that "people can so complain of the time and to test eternal dissatisfaction with the situation" [3, page 120]. At the same time besides eternal problems D. Yum allocated problems oprede-

lenny time, "the dominating era prejudices": owing to characteristic for in the beginnings of the 17th century of prejudices, according to him, "poisoning did not seem rather mean in itself if not to represent its necessary attribute of papistry" [3, page 54].

As L. Svendsen notes, D. Yum believed that the unmotivated, self-sufficient evil does not exist [4, page 141]. On historical material it analyzed the religionism so characteristic of the 17th century. The historian called frenzied fanaticism the most ridiculous of the prejudices disappearing behind a mask of reason, the most criminal of passions covered with a debt mask [3, page 28]. In a powder plot of times of James I the historian saw "the unique proof of both force, and weakness of human spirit, its amazing derogation from all laws of morality and his most persistent attachment to religious prejudices" [3, page 24]. Yum emphasized that "any of these pious fanatics did not feel the slightest remorse concerning so awful plan - to stage massacre for all outstanding and considerable persons of the state" [3, page 25]. The planned evil was represented by good to the people who are fanatically betrayed to the business who were guided by own ideas of the highest interests of religion, owing to what "religious rage extinguished any other feeling in their hearts" [3, page 25-26]. Here D. Yum concerned a problem of involvement of the people in the fight happening among elite, having noted that the people who are carried away by anger against the enemies "did not expect that the rage of the people which is not bridled by any legitimate authority any more by all means will fall upon them and will probably quite be sated only with general beating of all Catholics in England" [3, page 26].

Recreating mainly political history of England, the historian inevitably concerned problems of political ethics, moral qualities of political leaders and elite in the history. Drawing Alfred Veliky's image, D. Yum suggested readers to consider it in quality the -

a figurative ideal of the governor, having noted that that really is represented an example of perfect character, being one of the wisest and best governors ever decorating the annals of any nation [5, river 77-78, 85].

For V. Robertson the past was also represented by significant for his contemporaries first of all moral experience; not casually in the prolog of the book about Charles V's era he emphasized that "in the centuries surveyed by us the mean affairs executing soul of the person amazement and horror meet more often, than in other periods of the European History" [6, page 20]. From his point of view, already "dominion of Romans humiliated the human race" as in oppression of that period "it was hardly possible to keep the sincere hardness and nobility" [6, page 2-3]. Recreating history of the 16th century, Robertson emphasized that the principles of that century justified the most desperate direction to which someone could adhere to carry out revenge [7, river 314]. Having characterized interparty intrigues, he noticed that except these intrigues by both parties the dark plans of more criminal character which were more corresponding to spirit of a century confidentially continued to be developed [7, river 124]. Summing up the results of a course of life of one of characters of the second plan behind which even his enemies recognized both personal fearlessness, and military skill, and foresight, and vigor in management of civil cases, the historian found it necessary to note that his moral qualities were more doubtful and therefore it has to be not only it is eulogized, but also deserves condemnation [7, river 315].

In V. Robertson's works interest in the ethical code of governors, condemnation of excessive ambition is distinctly traced. He sharply negatively estimated the plan of Ferdinand which, according to him, "decided, against laws of the nature and decorum to deprive the daughter and posterity eya the Castilian crown more likely, than to refuse regency". From the point of view of the historian, this plan "was swept so away how many intention spitefully" [8, page 9]. V. Robertson attached great value to personal qualities of both monarchs, and their citizens, especially those who are invested by the power. Having drawn Henry VIII's portrait, having emphasized that it was the king operated by "willfulness, vanity, revenge, addiction" incapable "to trace for itself a certain, extensive circle of action in public affairs, to follow constantly the outline" whose "measures seldom came from attention to general welfare" whose passions "eclipsed in mind its state and personal advantage", the historian noted that many mistakes of this board "were a consequence a heat -

ky passions and insatiable ambition of the first minister and favourite his Cardinal Volsey" [8, page 75-76]. Noting that people who did not get used to see, "that Sovereigns thought the actions from the beginnings of morality and justice, found indisputable proofs of his cowardice and inexperience in acts of the new Pope", V. Robertson defended as norm that behavior model of the sovereign which meets moral standards [8, page 192].

Characterizing M. Luther, Robertson emphasized that his ardency, irritability, self-confidence with which he approved the opinions, arrogance and contempt in treatment of the opponents "all these weaknesses, a zaslu-zhivshiya the name of defects in a century more educated, did not seem important shortcomings to the reformer's contemporaries who were strongly excited with his entertaining disputes, coarsened from Papal autocracy and saw all convicted abuses". Having noted that even "the rough obscenities filling spornyya his compositions, and low jokes in the most important speeches", did not offend M. Luther's followers, he recognized that abuse and sneers, being business ordinary at that time, brought benefit to business of the Reformation [8, page 119-120]. As for opponents of the Reformation, representatives of the highest Catholic hierarchy, they were recognized as the historian people, "who grew old in a pronyrstvo" [8, page 151].

Critically estimating acts and the nature of elite, the historian so critically estimated actions and properties of the people. Recognizing the right of the people to defend the requirements, claiming that "some of requirements of such great number of the people would probably not remain are not complied", V. Robertson emphasized that big, dissonant crowds of common people people whose put commanded "differed only brutal a lyutostiya" [8, page 259].

Especially brightly ethical estimates were given by the historian in "the History of America" where actions of Europeans had nothing in common with those moral standards which at least formally admitted Europe. V. Robertson, recognizing as fatal that period when Spaniards suspended the gains to paint the hands in blood of villagers [9, river 161], noted that the emperor Charles V was deeply concerned by their actions shocking for humanity [9, river 213]. The historian emphasized that the Spaniards liking to be at war more than other European nations considered the indigenous American people animal, defective by the nature by which human rights cannot be granted [9, river 245-246].

The special attention to ethical aspects of the public relations was caused also by process

reconstructions of an era of late Rome, undertaken

AA. Gibbon. The history of imperial Rome was recreated by him as opposition, confrontation of the good and evil. He saw in behavior of the Roman emperors "the most extreme limits of defect and virtue, the highest perfection and the lowest perversity of our race" [10, page 122-123]. Unworthy successors of Augustus, from his point of view, "are covered with an eternal shame" and "escaped from oblivion only thanks to the unprecedented defects and thanks to magnificence of that arena on which they acted" [10, page 123]. Caracalla was recognized as the Gibbon a monster, "which the life dishonored the human race" and, therefore, "the enemy of all human race" [10, page 172, 174]. That part of emperors which was mainly on the side of good only shaded defects of the others. So, all reign of Alexander Sever, on the Gibbon, "took place in fruitless fight against depravity of his century", and Konstantin's virtues "gained special gloss thanks to Maksention's defects" [10, page 189, 397]. As E. Gibbon noted, "the perversity of the Roman customs would always bring also the flatterers ready to approve, and the ministers ready to satisfy greed, voluptuousness or cruelty of the lord" [10, page 122]. Repeated use of definition "mean", "mean" allowed to emphasize the author's position: mean accusers, mean voice of flattery, mean behavior, offer, mean crowd, handout, greed, etc. [10, page 124, 135, 136, 139, 146, 151, 191].

To the evil of an era of the empire it opposed virtues of the period of the republic: "At the time of the republic when customs were purer", "In those days the republics when customs were the cleanest" [10, page 57, 78]. Superiority of republican virtues was emphasized with E. Gibbon and at characteristic of Greeks of the period of the Roman dominion when they "were civilized for a long time and is moral are spoiled". The historian believed that Greeks, keeping "prejudices of the ancestors after they lost their virtues", only pretended, "as if despise rough customs of the Roman conquerors, and meanwhile necessarily had to admire their high wisdom and their power" [10, page 83-84]. Falling of the republic meant washing out of a former system of values therefore the last republicans as the Gibbon noted, were condemned by the senate "for imaginary crimes and the valid virtues" [10, page 124-125].

At the same time the historian opposed absolutization of good or the evil in quality of the lines inherent only in one any party in former oppositions, especially so far as it concerned reli-

giozny opponents. He did not find it possible to trust quite information of the arrogant and biased writers of times of early Christianity attributing, according to him, to themselves all virtues and putting fault on the opponents, "precisely as if described war of angels with demons". As the historian emphasized, "our quieter mind does not allow that there could be such clean and integral examples of terrible defects or terrible sanctity" [11, page 311]. E. Gibbon recognized inevitability of distribution of the new system of morality offered by Christianity, as clean, salutary and general, applicable to all duties and conditions of the valid life which was guided by the sanction of eternal awards and punishments at which, according to him, the reasonable governor had to look with pleasure [11, page 235]. But he warned against idealization of adherents of Christianity, negatively estimating manifestations of religious intolerance, showing that abuse of religion of a dangerous image undermined bases of morality and virtue, and emphasizing that "stages of religious frenzy find the most contemptible and most disgusting parties of human character" [11, page 248, 308, 374].

Opposition of the good and evil in the history M.M. Shcherbatov in "Recreated stories Russian from the most ancient times not less brightly". And in its work the Roman history as the remote background of early Slavic statehood, provides reasons for reasonings of ethical character. As an embodiment of the evil the barbarians attacking Rome are presented to them: "It is not possible to describe quite strong words the repaired bezchelovechiya these barbarians at a vshestviye them to the empire about which, a yak doing shame to mankind, and more decent to krovozhazhdushchy animals, than that reasonable creature, I will hold back now" [12, page 132].

As well as his predecessors, M.M. Shcherbatov tended to argue on features of human nature: "Tolikaya is weakness human that cannot have in anything moderations, or is spiteful as the fierce animal eats blood, and is consoled in suffering of others, or is mild as the innocent person, before crime it is almost possible to tell the mildness stretches" [12, page 280-281]. Shcherbatov believed what to find "the reasons of acts are a position of the historian" [13, page 265] therefore also the main difficulty in comprehension of the past was predetermined, according to the text of its "History", by difficulties of comprehension of passions of human, those motives which are deep sources of any given acts. He emphasized that as "roofing felt a mnogiya razlichnyya passions shake

heart human", very difficult even then, "when who also to those affairs the witness is" to get into their secret reasons [14, page 399400].

As comments of ethical character were considered by the historian as derogation from statement actually of history, he considered necessary, addressing readers, to explain their emergence in the text: "I cannot keep at this case not to remember, colic of people reason and sense presented, given rise on light to live in community, and it is investigative having those moral arrangements in heart which induce to love it and to be sorry about similar for itself..." [14, page 120]. The historian extremely accurately formulated the position: "I at this case cannot keep not to render my disgust for a brutal act to Izyaslavov... We have to unfortunate read in these human nature, esteem ourselves" [15, page 221-222].

Shcherbatov paid especially much attention to those moral standards to which the governor has to follow. For him it was important to show harm of an absolute power first of all for sovereigns: "Tako and in hearts virtuous what this Prince Andrey was, autocracy pouring in the poison turns them often to those acts from which and tyrants were ashamed" [15, page 283]. Shcherbatov repeatedly drew the attention of readers to banefulness of excessive love of power: "Tako love of power, without disassembling tools everything to the pleasure uses, at least onyya tools are killing and harmful to it over time could be made" [14, page 116]. History of a family of Ryurik dynasty allowed to show to the reader, "that neither the brotherhood, nor friendship can stop fast current of ambition" [12, page 324]. It was inherent Shcherbatova and aspiration in an aphoristic form to summarize futility of ambitious intentions: "The destiny to intentions human laughs" [16, page 121].

The historian was convinced of need for governors to observe legality at least for reasons of own advantage: "It is fair to eat roofing felt that no what criminal act of safety and advantage to the Sovereign can get" [14, page 210]. It was obvious to Shcherbatov that destruction of the rights of citizens can be dangerous to the tyrant as it was in Ioann Grozny's government when citizens, "in shyness and fear staying, lost the diligence to the fatherland and the Sovereign; and to Goss - dar, nemogsh from ugryzayushchy conscience to hide all foulness of the act, he is courageous to be entrusted to gathered troops" [17, page 277]. It justified bloodsheds only when "just protective war" there began

the lawful sovereign put by "the general desire of the people on a throne": "on the most strict moral page 118, 141 is not forbidden to the Sovereign in the fair pritchena what this was, war to begin" [15].

Ethical standards, on M.M. Shcherbatov's belief, are various for the politician and for citizens what that circumstance that he called into question the probability of one of "povestviye" about Andrey Bogolyubskom, proceeding from discrepancy with the line of conduct reproduced there with the norms accepted among the dominating dynasty testifies to, in particular: "because such humility decently to the monk, but not the Sovereign to whom God handed a scepter for board and a zashchishcheniye of the people" [15, page 285].

Shcherbatov equally and with equal condemnation described crimes of princes and crime of the people. It in detail recreated great crime what, according to him, there was never in Russia, suffering "from mezhdousoby also a love of power of Princes", made by the prince Gleb Vladimirovich Ryazansky who "intended to receive destruction of all the brothers to himself in possession all countries of the Ryazan region" [15, page 486-487]. Prevented the prince to use results of the crime of a circumstance, according to Shcherbatov, consisted first of all in loathing of the people to such murder, and only then - in inevitable association of princes against the criminal [15, page 488]. But also by the people "Princes Igorichey, Romana with brothers" he recognized murder in the Galitsky earth as nasty business, the investigation of the "rage and a curse" inherent in mean souls, "operated by their uniform ferocity". From the point of view of the historian, this crime "is worthy to be betrayed together and with performers to its eternal oblivion whether there is a fidelity of the historian not forced me it to describe; yes it will be in memory, but with worthy loathing." [15, page 452]. Not less distinctly Shcherbatov at reconstruction of history of an era of the Distemper formulated the position, emphasizing that "construction on a throne, and all reign of Razstrigi was violence, or, one may say, waste national" [13, page 150]. To this evil, those, according to him, to the most harmful, "what it was not possible and to learn of whom has to be afraid", the historian opposed good carriers: "... however there were enough faithful sons of the fatherland which being disgusting any treason endeavored to protect the fatherland and the sovereign" [13, page 205, 266].

As well as D. Yum, M.M. Shcherbatov tried to find roots of all evil, emphasizing that the extreme need quite often "gives rise in rude people of crime" that "to the renewed obilstvo and a pobezhdeniye

robbers took away the reason of crimes", but at the same time it was obvious to it that there are also those who choose the evil, i.e. "the people wishing to live a grabitelstvo" [13, page 150]. Therefore Shcherbatov regularly entered into the text of "History" of a reasoning concerning need by means of the right to stop crimes of those who are beyond morals: "Though any cruel punishment gives the creeps sensitive heart, but it cannot, regretting for the person, not to begin to hate crimes and not to admit that, with these dissolute natures which for pleasure of the passions fed on innocent blood, to eat severity with criminals is fair and necessary" [17, page 241].

The words given above which F. Meyneke addressed to D. Yum correspond also to specifics of a position, the vital choice of N.M. Karamzin whose approach to a problem is close to a position of I. Kant believing that the science has to help first of all "properly to take the place specified to the person in the world" [18, page 206]. To "The history of the state Russian" Karamzin wrote in the preface that the finest invented speech disfigures History, "the Writer devoted not to glory, not to pleasure of Readers and even not wisdom moralizing, but only the truth which already itself becomes a source of pleasure and advantage" [19, page 18]. Nevertheless in the work the historian repeatedly addressed problems of the moral choice which is made by the person in time, during every era. He believed that history "will not resolve an issue of moral freedom of the person; but assuming it in the judgment of affairs and characters, explains that and others, first, natural properties of people, secondly, circumstances or impressions of the objects operating on soul" [20, page 4].

The moral atmosphere of space "The history of the state Russian" which readers joined, was defined first of all by distinct arrangement of accents, use of the definitions which were not assuming dual treatment: the mean favourite [19, page 142], mean insidiousness, mean life, a mean plot, the disgusting villainy [21, page 9, 14, 69, 75, 385], "mean ingratitude of Boyars rebellious" [22, page 68], the mean criminal, the heinous crimes and villainies, business mean [23, page 103, 125, 146], a mean zloumyshleniye [24, page 147], mean flatterers, slanderers mean, mean crime, a mean symbol, helpers of the evil, myrmidons of tyranny, mean cunning [20, page 109, 119, 139, 236-238, 396], intention mean, the most mean of murders [25, page 142, 175], a mean secret, mean passion, business the disgusting [26, page 56, 94, 110], mean the tsar -

murder, mean deception, the disgusting union, mean production of imposture [27, page 56, 100, 104, 153], etc. Opposition of the good and evil - one of the major story lines in Karamzin's narrative. The periods of reign of John IV were opposed: "the beginning to the evil" differentiated the eighth and ninth volumes of its "History" [20, page 15]. According to the historian, "the evidence of the good and evil" in this reign "is equally convincing, incontestable" therefore he saw the task here in that "to present this surprising phenomenon in its gradual changes" [20, page 4]. Progressing in the description Distempers, the historian will aphoristically designate approach of a victory of good over the evil: "The kingdom of deception fell: kingdom of the law vosstanovlya-elk" [27, page 192].

As well as for his predecessors, political ethics was of special interest to the historian. The following thesis of Karamzin is very indicative: "People are exposed to sea waves and storms, than lawless violence of the Governments more willingly" [24, page 162]. Crimes of the monarch cannot be justified by benefit state as "the morality exists not only for private people, but also for Sovereigns". After I. Kant Karamzin writes that "they have to arrive so that rules of their acts could be the general laws" [24, page 147]. Like Shcherbatov, Karamzin drew the attention of readers to danger of love of power: "This friendship based on favors, gratitude and property did not resist against mutual love of power" [21, page 384]. Characterizing Vasily Temny, he noted: "His love of power, apparently, more and more increased, muffling in it the holy moral senses" [23, page 190]. The debt of the historian compelled in that to recreate acts of the governors breaking "the most sacred laws of morality" from volume [26, page 251], not respecting "laws of the state morality, the state relentless justice" [20, page 302]. Karamzin consistently, step by step, tracked as Ioann Grozny "became the torturer to which equal we will hardly find in the most Tatsitovy chronicles" as he that "crossed a limit in the evil behind which there is no true repentance any more; there is no free, resolute return to good: there is only a flour, the beginning infernal, without hope and change of heart" [20, page 19, 407]. On history scales, from the point of view of Karamzin, merits on government do not outweigh crimes of governors at all. For this reason "the name of Godunov, one of the most reasonable Masters in the world within centuries was and will be said with loathing, in glory of moral steady justice" [26, page 200].

But the aspiration to designate problems of a moral duty of sovereigns in "The history of the state

Russian" did not cover problems of responsibility of citizens for created by them angrily. Karamzin informed of terrible scenes of excesses of the people which swam several hours in their blood readers, greedy enjoying the awful revenge opposite to generosity if deserved. Force punished weakness, without pity and without courage: hundred attacked one!" [26, page 331]. The historian considered important to put a problem of collective responsibility of citizens when wrote: "It seemed that Russians had no fatherland, not a soul, Vera any more; that the State infected with a moral ulcer in terrible spasms came to an end!." [27, page 144]. Moral opposition to the evil even of the few representatives of community seemed to the historian in the way to rescue. He repeatedly emphasized this thought, differently formulating it. He wrote in the last volume "History": "... the virtue as Phoenix, rises from the grave the ashes, an example and memory; there not everything died where though the few prefer death to lawlessness" [27, page 148]. Chapter 2 came to the end with a conclusion here that "at that time disasters of Russia, having reached an extreme, already showed signs of a turn and a possibility of rescue, giving rise to hope that God does not leave the State where many or not many citizens still love the fatherland and virtue" [27, page 157-158].

Karamzin distinctly carried out a thought that the memory of the good and evil forms moral shape of the subsequent generations. Recreating the history of murder of Igor Olgovich in 1147, Karamzin understood clearly and is so accented informed the reader that it became a result of manipulation of the memory of the events which were taking place in 1068 at Izyaslav Yaroslavich [21, page 136]. It was obvious to it that reminiscence of the disgusting villainy "has to be offensive for the most otdalenneyshy posterity" [21, page 75]. The historian emphasized that though properties of the people "express always with circumstances", "however action often is dolgovremenny the reasons: grandchildren have some virtues and vices of the grandfathers though live also in other circumstances" [20, page 203].

Recognizing extreme importance of moral link of times, Karamzin at the same time considered it necessary to consider the ideas of the good and evil inherent in any given century at assessment of any given participants of historical process. Summing up the results of a course of life of Vladimir Monoma-h, Karamzin sfomulirovat this position especially distinctly: "If Monomakh once did not doubt life to violate the Rights National and perfidiously to destroy Princes Polovtsian, then we can carry to it Cicero's words: the century excuses the person" [21, page 101]. "History gosu-

Russian" in an aphoristic form informed of darstvo readers of idea of the author of transformations of ethical positions of people including those which were taken out by it from process of immersion in the historical past. Nearly the major conclusion dictated by specifics of national history was formulated by the historian any more in the second volume: "Long-term misfortunes state ostervenyat hearts and harm the morality of people" [21, page 69]. Karamzin drew the attention of readers to negative moral consequences of the period of dependence of Russia on the Horde: "What had to be a consequence? moral humiliation of people. Having forgotten pride national, we were taught to the low cunnings of slavery replacing force in weak; deceiving Tatars, more deceived also each other. force seemed right" [20, page 202]. Introduction in this case to the text of a pronoun "we" the historian updated history realities, letting know readers that negative moral experience of a far era - the heritage which is transmitted through centuries.

The text "The history of the state Russian" can be considered as an important source by drawing up the anthology of aphorisms on morals: "The people inclined to the frank power of attorney, easily trust also malignant gossip"; "The credulity is peculiar to customs rough" [21, page 141, 191]; "No motives excuse perfidy"; "And with barbarians should not be barbarians" [28, page 12, 167]; "... villainy does not justify villainy" [29, page 52]; "... better bondage to do good, than will angrily"; "The defect leads to defect"; "... progress of the good and evil is gradual"; "... villainies seek for villainies" [20, page 12, 18, 19, 159]; "... the evil and good have degrees!" [26, page 225], etc. Moral potential of work of Karamzin was defined also by that circumstance that the historian put readers in a reflection situation over problems of a moral order, formulating questions in the text and offering the answers to them: Whether "Have to perfidious hope for fidelity deceived by them? But villains, exempting itself from morality bonds, think that not everything strength legs is given to trample on a shrine, and are the victim of a credulity" [20, page 178]; "But this barbaric execution though deserved by the unworthy Grandee whether it was worthy the true Government and the Sovereign?. violence conceded to violence." [29, page 90]. Recreating uncountable meannesses of times of Ivan the Terrible in the ninth volume, Karamzin informed readers and a merit of those whose moral greatness did not concede to greatness of the most famous heroes of all times and the people. Characterizing Philip Kolychev, he emphasized that "to die for virtue there is a top of human virtue, and new,

ancient history do not present us the Hero zname- centuries, "spirit of the age" and also difficulties a feather -

niteyshy" [20, page 167]. the zhivayemy period for separate layers within

The carried-out comparative analysis of texts society. Following to norms played a role a positive -

"Stories" of late Education the example leg allows govo- it was regarded as that good, from to litter that representation about considerable these are which storage during crisis eras depends you -

chesky potential of a historical research chewing of the people, preservation developed siste-

it is characteristic of all studied historians. All we, statehood in general. In this case

authors in the course of work on "Stories" of joint stock company- are not present the basis to speak about any printsipi-

tsentirovat attention of readers on following alny difference of the developed canon in Anglo-

or violation by "initial figures" and Scottish and Russian historiographic

characters of "the second and third plan" [30, page 12] traditions that was probably predetermined

moral standards. Derogation from norms, traktuye- that all-Christian system moral

mine as is evil, spoke or manifestation out of- values which within centuries influenced on before -

temporary weakness of human nature, or, a stavleniye about a mission of historical knowledge as in

mainly, features of any given Britain, and in Russia.

List of references

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4. Svendsen L. Filisofiya is angry. M.: Progress-Tradition, 2008. 352 pages
5. Hume D. The history of England from the invasion of Julius Caesar to the revolution in 1688. Vol. I. L., 1830.
6. V. Robertson. History of a gosudarstvovaniye of the emperor Charles V. T. I. M, 1839.
7. Robertson W. The history of Scotland during the reigns of Queen Mary and of King James VI. Vol. II / Robertson W. The works of W. Robertson in twelve volums. Vol. II. Edinburgh - London, 1819.
8. V. Robertson. History of a gosudarstvovaniye of the emperor Charles V. T. II. M, 1839.
9. Robertson W. The history of America Vol. III / / Robertson W. The works of W. Robertson in twelve volums. Vol. X. Edinburgh - London., 1819.
10. E. Istoriya's gibbon of decline and destruction of the Roman Empire. Part I. SPb., 1993. 428 pages
11. In the same place. Part II. SPb., 1993. 384 pages
12. M.M. Shcherbatov. The history Russian from the most ancient times. T. I. SPb., 1794.
13. In the same place. T. VII. Part I. SPb., 1790.
14. In the same place. T. III. SPb., 1774.
15. In the same place. T. II. SPb., 1805.
16. In the same place. T. VI. Part I. SPb., 1790.
17. In the same place. T. V. Part II. SPb., 1789.
18. I. Kant. The application to "Observations over sense of beauty and ennobled"//Soch. in 6 t. T. 2. M, 1964.
19. N.M. Karamzin. History of the state Russian. T. I. M, 1989. 640 pages
20. In the same place. T. IX. SPb., 1831.
21. In the same place. T. II-III. M, 1991. 832 pages
22. In the same place. T. IV. M, 1992. 480 pages
23. In the same place. T. V. M, 1993. 560 pages
24. In the same place. T. VI. M, 1998. 468 pages
25. In the same place. T. X. SPb., 1831.
26. In the same place. T. XI. SPb., 1831.
27. In the same place. T. XII. SPb., 1831.
28. In the same place. T. VII. SPb., 1831.
29. In the same place. T. VIII. SPb., 1831.
30. L.P. Repina. Intellectual history in human measurement//the Person of the second plan in the history. Issue 3. Rostov N / D, 2006.

I.E. Rudkovskaya, candidate of historical sciences, associate professor.

Tomsk state pedagogical university.

Kiyevskaya St., 60, Tomsk, Tomsk region, Russia, 634061.


Material came to edition 21.05.2010.

I. E. Rudkovskaya


The article is devoted to the comparative analyses of the role of ethical ideas in the narratives of the late Enlightenment. The ethical component of the text of "The history of the Russian state" is considered in the context of the anglo-scottish historiographical tradition of the second half of the 18th century.

Tomsk State Pedagogical Univesity.

Ul. Kiyevskaya, 60, Tomsk, Tomsk region, Russia, 634061.


David Phillips
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