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RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY of the RUSSIAN LIBERALISM of the PERIOD of REVOLUTION of 1905-1907.



istoriografiya

Vladimir KICHEEV

HISTORIOGRAPHY of the RUSSIAN LIBERALISM of the PERIOD of REVOLUTION of 1905-1907

The problem of development of the Russian liberalism is relevant in a modern Russian historiography both in scientific, and in social aspects. In this regard it is obviously necessary to show assessment of a socio-political situation in the empire during the Russian revolution of 1905-1907 in a modern Russian historiography.

The problem of the development of Russian liberalism is actual in the contemporary Russian historiography both in the scientific and in the social aspects. In this connection it is necessary to show the period of the appearance of liberal-oppositional political parties during the Russian revolution of 1905-1907 in the contemporary historiography.

historiography, liberal movement, revolution of 1905-1907, liberal opposition parties; historiography, liberal movement, Russian revolution of 1905-1907, liberal-oppositional parties.

To the beginning of revolution of 1905 — 1907 there is a process of disengagement within the liberal current, and the Russian liberal bourgeoisie passes a way "from supporters of freedom to the weak-willed mean helper of absolutism" [28]. In a domestic historiography it is emphasized that unprecedented explosion of political consciousness and a creative initiative of a people at large became the major factor defining influence on development of liberalism towards a counterrevolution and reaction. Especially sharply it was shown on August 6, 1905 during discussion "The manifesto and the provision on State Duma elections", known as the draft of "the bulyginsky constitution". In the document Duma was considered as representative zakonosoveshchatelny body. At the same time especially made a reservation that "Basic laws of the Russian Empire about existence of the autocratic power remain inviolable". Therefore emergence of the Manifesto was differently met on August 6, 1905 in liberal and oppositional circles. Not accidentally the Soviet historiography paid to this problem close attention [25]. The upper bourgeoisie with enthusiasm grasped at "the bulyginsky constitution", counting on gradual expansion of the rights of the Duma and its transformation further into legislature. Split also was outlined in the territorial environment: some continued to support convocation of the Constituent assembly, others considered that after August 6 the question of the Constituent assembly "descended from turn", and urged to take part in elections. The liberal intellectuals and a part of zemtsev-constitutionalists, continuing to defend in general the slogan of convocation of the Constituent assembly, nevertheless also opposed boycott of the bulyginsky Duma.

Liberals were afraid that its boycott will be able to lead to strengthening in the Duma of conservative elements and, therefore, to a delay of democratic transformations in the country. Also the end of the Russo-Japanese war had the known impact on them that gave a free hand to the government for fight against revolutionary and opposition forces. In general, antiboykotistsky moods testified to readiness of liberals to make a compromise with a tsarism for the termination of revolution.

The discussion about benefits and not benefits of the conclusion liberals of the transaction with a tsarism on the basis of "the bulyginsky constitution" came to the end in October, 1905 with the All-Russian political strike, having compelled -

KIChEEV

Vladimir

Georgiyevich — to. and. N,

director

Institute

economies and rights

Khakass

university,

doctoral candidate

Institute

mongolovedeniye,

buddologiya and

tibetologiya of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Science

sew the tsar to accept "The manifesto on improvement of the state order" which was published as the annex to the official newspaper "Pravitelstvenny Vestnik" in which political freedoms and legislative representation, and future Duma which convocation was proclaimed in August were promised it was allocated with the legislative rights instead of zakonosoveshchatelny [35]. Along with the Manifesto also the vsepoddanneyshy report of Witte with the program of reforms was published [25, p. 90 — 94].

It is obviously necessary to show assessment of a socio-political situation in the empire in a modern Russian historiography which emphasizes that "the general political slogans directed to gaining political freedoms, a position of the monarch allowed at this stage it is rather frictionless to coexist to revolutionary and liberal political forces" [39]. Importance of this assessment is undoubted as it allows not only to characterize objectively all ideological and political disagreements about rates, depth and a form of transformations as minor, but also to reveal the main practical task of revolutionary and liberal forces — destruction of autocracy. Revolutionaries acting through social democrats and Social Revolutionaries actively supported power ways of pressure upon the government, calling for continuation of strikes, demonstrations, promoting armed struggle. Liberals directed all the energy to formation of the "strong public opinion" capable to put pressure upon the power to avoid extremes both "on the right", and "at the left". The "balance of forces" which developed in October, 1905 created favorable conditions for emergence in Russia of a number of liberal opposition parties. At the same time among the Russian liberals there were practically no republicans, only the very few dared to speak about the republic as the remote ideal, but not the practical purpose. In general, with different degree of frankness the liberals supported constitutional constitutional monarchy, motivating it as, for example, cadets, absence from the legallistic point of view of a basic difference between it and the republic. By V.I. Lenin's definition,

in 1905 — 1907 the bourgeoisie began to develop in conscious force, and the Russian liberalism from "friable and crude opposition" became the open enemy of revolutionary-democratic forces [29]. There was a number of the liberal parties: Constitutional democratic party (cadets), Union on October 17 (Octobrists), Without Title party, Party of peaceful updating, Party of democratic reforms, Commerce and industry party, etc. Most of them did not develop in party true. Throughout from 1905 to 1917 g only cadets and Octobrists acted on political arena of Russia with different degree of activity. Though public organizations of the liberals recruiting the members in the liberal parties and, especially, in party of cadets, remained that also found reflection in a pre-revolutionary historiography [22].

Thus, by the beginning of 1906 all main political forces of the Russian Empire, having organizationally issued in political parties of the country, had the program of transformation of the political system of Russia. The geopolitical position of Russia became a starting point of reasonings of ideologists and politicians on the future of the country. Search of "a progress formula" for Russia occupied one and all political forces — from extremely radical to frankly conservative. Degree of reality of diverse ideas of ways of further development of the country was in direct dependence on the sober analysis of the Russian reality, accounting of concrete features of any given sphere of the public relations and consequently, and identifications of those social forces which are capable to support option of transformations and to provide its realization in the future.

Reflecting on the fate of the country, ideologists and politicians of Russia had a unique opportunity to address the richest historical experience, both Russian, and foreign, not only in the choice of a way of development, but also in definition of set of means for carrying out transformations. At all variety of party programs of transformations of the country the paramount value was gained by a question of the most effective remedy of the solution of the sensitive issues of life of the country. 1906

created for some time equal social and economic chances both for reformers, and for revolutionaries. This fight was in essence conducted around the choice of a way for Russia. Therefore not accidentally liberal reformers started talking language of revolutionaries: ultimatums to the power, secret support of stachechnik, etc. That is, for them revolution made sense only as political, but not social.

The causes and process of registration of the liberal parties received rather capacious lighting in a domestic historiography that allowed to judge more definitely numerical and social composition of political parties, evolution of their ideological positions and tactics, experience of parliamentary activity [44, 43, 47, 24, 19].

the Developed liberal camp acted on political arena with two flanks. The right flank was occupied by party of Octobrists, left — party of cadets. Though these parties stood up for bourgeois development of the country and opposed serfdom remnants, but they differently estimated allowable limits of such changes. All this finds reflection in the Soviet historiography though it only fragmentary considers the questions devoted to the analysis of social and political and state and legal views of eminent persons of the liberal movement, the history of domestic liberalism; and also in the researches of conceptual character offering the system analysis of the liberal model of reorganization of Russia or constitutionalism as the phenomena of world and Russian historical process [37, 10, 23, 36, 48] which appeared recently.

Not accidentally in the late eighties began to pay to this problem attention both Soviet [1, 2, 3, 13, 16], and a foreign historiography [40].

The tradition of studying history of the liberalnooppozitsionny movement at the beginning of the 20th century at the present stage of development of historical science was carried on. And the problem receives independent sounding in works and V.V. Shelokhayev, A.A. Alafayev, V.A. Alekseev and M.A. Maslin, S.S. Se-kirinskogo, V.N. Seletsky, D.A. Andreyev, R.A. Arslanov, V.V. Blochin's dissertation compositions,

E. Vishnevski, O.B. Vorsina, I.V. Emelkina, I.N. Yermolaev, V.N. Lyusev, V.V. Leontovich, Yu. Pivovarov [49, 48, 41, 42, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 21].

Within system studying a problem it finds special lighting and in a regional historiography [45, 46, 51.17, 34, 4, 14, 15, 18, 20, 33, 32, 38].

In the organizational relation the cadets and Octobrists differed from radikalnosotsialistichesky parties and on the device were closer to type "party club". Requirements to membership (charters of Octobrists and cadets did not stipulate a duty of the members), the wide rights of party committees of various levels on replenishment of the structures by cooptation (at cadets) or even on development of own programs and charters (at Octobrists), at last, the order of parallel membership in other parties which was widely practicing in "The union on October 17" and formalized by its charter demonstrate to it the system of inclusion in the liberal parties and an exit from them (as a rule, for this purpose was rather oral statement).

As for characteristic of the class nature of the main bourgeois parties of the liberal sense in Russia, it contain, first of all, in V.I. Lenin's works. He wrote: "The typical Octobrist — not the bourgeois intellectual, but the large bourgeois. He is not an ideologist of bourgeois society, and his direct owner. Interested directly in capitalist operation, he despises any theory, plyuyot on the intellectuals, rejects everyones, peculiar to cadets, a claim for democracy" [27, 30, 31]. As for a social base of party of cadets, it is the upper "qualification" bourgeoisie, the intellectuals, city petty bourgeoisie, the liberal landowners who differed in the heterogeneity and internal discrepancy. Meanwhile cadets reflected the interests of the bourgeoisie understood by them is wider and is versatile. "Not connected with any one certain class of bourgeois society, but quite bourgeois on the structure, in character, on the ideals, this party fluctuates between democratic petty bourgeoisie and counterrevolutionary elements of an upper bourgeoisie" [26] — V.I. Lenin characterized cadets.

Both options differed from each other in a certain depth and rates of transformations, but served, eventually, one purpose — the statement in Russia of civil society, the constitutional state, to formation of the market relations. They were terribly interested not only in preservation, but also in further development and improvement of a capitalist system. Their programs which initial parcel was an idea of gradual reforming, but not violent demolition of old political system were directed to it.

Division of the government into three parts was a political ideal of liberals. One part remained for the monarch, another — was told to the representatives of landowners and the bourgeoisie who were hit the upper house elected on the basis of two-sedate elections and residential qualification in the hands. And at last, the third part of the power was conceded to the people electing the lower house on the basis of universal suffrage. Besides, liberals tried to obtain reforming of local government and court. The principle of statehood became the main watershed between cadets and Octobrists. Octobrists believed that only the tsarist government is capable to rally the people of Russia and therefore opposed "any autonomies valid and hidden" (except for Finland). Cadets relied on the integrating force of the international Russian capital [37, p. 92].

Thus, after the Manifesto on October 17 both cadets, and Octobrists saw an exit in the conclusion of the transaction with the monarchy for the account and behind the back of the revolutionary people, and the turn of the Russian liberalism to a counterrevolution was quite natural phenomenon which reflected "transition of a class to the counterrevolutionary position corresponding to its economic interests", and negotiations of cadets and Octobrists with a tsarism objectively promoted strengthening of the old power.

Special studying the questions connected with characteristic of the liberal paradigm allows a modern historiography to consider on the basis of program provisions and tactical installations of the oktyabristsky and cadet organizations and also achievements of a domestic historiography independently a historiography of components rossy-

sky liberalism of the beginning of the 20th century: liberals on the right — Octobrists and liberals at the left — cadets.

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