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The Don society and providing the front during World War I

 © 2008 of E.M. Trusov


The foreign policy relations of the Russian Empire with Austria-Hungary and Germany which developed in the second half of the 19th century went not as it was required for strengthening of the union between them. Russia had to look for new allies and approached England and France. By 1907 Triple consent - the military block the Entente was formed. As opposed to it the Tripartite alliance where Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy entered was created. The main powers of Europe were divided into two irreconcilable camps. As a result of a coup in January, 1913 the government of Turkey became pro-German and the German officers held the main military posts there. The interests of Russia and Germany faced in the Middle East. Soon Germany declared to Russia inevitability of war and readiness to begin it.

Preparation of World War I took place in the developed multipolar world, the coalitions fought for spheres of influence. The military conflicts became inevitable. When war was already obviously about to happen, in 1914 in the Hague in exclusively solemn situation where there were delegates of all countries, the Palace of the world was open. "From now on war, - the historian writes, - it was irrevocably expelled from use of cultural mankind in the history of which the Golden Age - an era of peaceful cooperation of the people began..." [1, page 170]. It did not match an international situation.

However the world existed not for long. On June 15 the same year the Bosnian Serbian (grammar-school boy) in Sarajevo shot the successor of an Austro-Hungarian throne Franz Ferdinand. It was the provoked pretext of war which was time for beginning. Austria-Hungary delivered Serbia the unacceptable ultimatum and, despite this, Serbia implemented all clauses except for refusal to subordinate the court to Austrian. On July 15 Austria declared war on Serbia which asked for the help Russia. In reply Nicholas II reported that Russia will never remain to Serbia, indifferent to destiny. Serbians cheered up: "There is God in the sky, and the tsar in Russia".

The official of the German Foreign Ministry in July wrote: "Generally Russia is not ready to war now. France and England will not want war now too. In several years, under all probable assumptions, Russia will already be efficient. Then it will crush us the number of the soldiers; its Baltic Fleet and the strategic railroads will be already constructed. Our group, meanwhile, more and more weakens" [2, page 402].

Germany looked for a pretext to declaration of war of Russia and quickly found it. The emergency edition of one of the German newspapers reported on July 17 about mobilization of the German army. The Russian Embassy in Berlin about it cabled to St. Petersburg. As a result Nicholas II's decree to July 18 appointed general mobilization of ground and naval armed forces. German government

achieved the objectives. It disproved "the message about mobilization and at the same time disposed to detain by mail the telegram of our ambassador, - A. Kersnov-sky writes, - reporting about it a denial. In St. Petersburg nothing was learned - and the Royal decree on general mobilization was distributed to headquarters of districts" [1, page 173-174].

The German ultimatum demanded from Russia to cancel at 24 o'clock mobilization whereas mobilization of the German troops continued. The offer of Russia to Wilhelm II to appeal to the arbitration court in the Hague for further resolution of conflict came to an end in nothing. On July 19 (on August 1) at 7 o'clock in the evening Germany declared war on Russia and also France and Belgium; war was entered also by England. 38 states were involved in World War I. From them 25 - on the party of the Entente.

The foreign policy relations on the eve of war generated the anti-German moods in the Russian society. The accruing militarism in the world led to strengthening of fight of masses against the military conflicts because of vested interests of the competing countries. In Russia there was a certain public opinion in relation to plans of belligerent parties, to the victims and burdens which are born by war. But war perception by different layers was unequal.

Oblasti's society army of Donskoy complex on the social composition, large businessmen in the metallurgical, ironworks, tanning, tobacco, coal industry, processors of agricultural products, small producers represented. A considerable part of society was made by the trade bourgeoisie, hired workers at the enterprises, the landowners owning big funds of the earth, peasants (radical and nonresident), the Cossacks serving reign also to the fatherland and being engaged in a zemlepashestvo, and other population groups. In the area, garrisons of military units (soldiers and officers) were located.

Both in the country in general, and to Dona the beginning of World War I was met differently. Political parties and social groups of inhabitants proceeded from the interests and beliefs. Performances in support of the government waging defensive war began. The day before in Rostov-on-Don on July 17 there took place the demonstration organized by local government. Monarchists, cadets and moderate social democrats participated in it [3]. But organizers were comprehended by failure as beyond the introduction in war there were about 40 people. The mood of public was depressed. Leftists (Bolsheviks) conducted propaganda in masses against war, but when that began, they supported defeat of the government in war and further development of revolutionary movement that led to overthrow of autocracy.

In the first day of declaration of war on many

factories, the plants, mines of area the situation was oppressed and restless. The workers who are subject to mobilization did not show desire to go on the front for the interests of the capital. At some enterprises, strikes with presentation of a number of economic requirements and expression of anti-war moods began. War laid down a heavy burden on a people at large. The anti-war strike on the Paramonova mine where on the night of July 19, 1914 in Aleksandrovsk Grushevsky (nowadays Shakhty) the meeting of workers was held what it was at once reported by gendarme management of area to department of police about was the most significant on organization. Mechanical and forge shops went on strike. Striking miners of this mine supported, the chief of police caused a platoon of Cossacks [4].

Roughly there took place the mobilization among workers and peasants of Don announced for July 20. In Makiivka, disorders of mobilized took place. For establishing order forces of Cossacks were used there, it was killed 13, 17 people are wounded. In mines in Hanzhenkov also the platoon of Cossacks was left for maintenance about [5]. Active participants of strikes went to the front first of all. The Cossack regiments left on the front by order of their governing bodies. Ruling and enterprise circles supported the military purposes of the government. The relation to war of social groups of different political orientation was opposite.

The Don Cossack region as important grain base was of great importance for the country and the front. The government demanded immediate reports on all important events to Dona. To Petrograd there were urgent telegrams about mobilization, consolatory messages about patriotic sentiments in the environment of business, the intellectuals and a part of the workers following oboronets and pacifists. The aspiration to defend honor of Russia, to fight back the attacked Germans was shown. The tsarist government laid great hopes on Don on supply of the front with food, fodder, ammunition, etc.

War demanded huge human efforts and material inputs. It was necessary to provide several fronts stretched on the western border and in the Caucasus, ammunition and food. In July the State Duma unanimously (except for social democratic deputies) accepted the military credits and supported the government. Territorial and city self-government (Zemgor) undertook sanitary and other service of army. By December, 1914 as a part of army of Russia there were more than 6.5 million people. Insufficient provisioning of army and the cities became more noticeable to be felt that caused discontent in masses.

There was not enough military equipment, especially machine guns, rifles, shells, cartridges. The Minister of War V.A. Sukhomlinov received disturbing telegrams about a lack of ammunition from command of fronts. In 1915 - 1916 the Murmansk railroad for transportation of the equipment delivered with - was hastily constructed

yuznik [6]. But the lack of shells needed to be liquidated by own efforts because allied France and England stated that to help them there is nothing. Their generals said: "We provided Russia to its own destiny". And it after Russia saved France from death, having delayed on itself big forces of the German armies in August, 1914. She was still able to assume the main blow.

At a boundary of the XIX-XX centuries Russia achieved considerable economic success. At the time of Minister of Finance S.Yu. Witte the policy of the accelerated development of the domestic industry and strengthening of a financial system was consistently pursued, the economic geography changed, there were large industrial centers, blast furnaces were under construction, in the south of the country new mines opened. In army the weapon unprecedented before - a machine gun appeared. On the basis of the latest technologies the modern fleet, the leading role in which battleships began to play [7], was created. But crisis of the political power was inevitable.

Supply of the Russian armies became worse. Having accepted the Supreme command in August, 1915, the emperor Nicholas II noted that in army there are no guns, there are no boots and it is necessary to come, and it is impossible to come. Having lost 1.4 million people from the structure of army and huge territories, nevertheless "Russians, - the German observer wrote, - escaped from pincers and achieved frontal withdrawal in the direction, desirable for them" [2, page 406]. It disturbed Germany and Austria.

Industrial upsurge on the eve of and at the beginning of war extended also to Area of army of Donskoy. Production at large steel works in Taganrog, Sulin increased, to Makiivka at which over 13.5 thousand workers were engaged two dozen blast and martin furnaces operated. On coal and anthracitic mines in 1914 about 90 thousand people appeared, 331 mines worked with 778 mines. Among them 282 mines were new [8, page 117-120]. Production at the tanning, ironworks, food enterprises grew. The large plants of Don produced martin, foundry cast iron, martin and Thomas steel, an iron hire, finished products: pipes, rails, axes, etc. The products went for providing the front.

At the beginning of war many enterprises of the cities of Donskoy of area reconstructed the production on a military harmony. In Rostov-on-Don the plant of agricultural Aksay cars began to produce 3-inch grenades frantsuzko-go a sample; Pastukhov's plant - hand-grenades and 3-inch grenades of the French sample; the plant of the metal products "Stamp" - remote tubes, manual tin grenades and bottoms to grenades; The Don joint-stock company of agricultural cars - bombometny machines and mines; iron Lelya and To. - 47-linear pig-iron shells for howitzers, 3-inch demolition grenades, 9-centimeter pig-iron bombs for depth-charge mortars; Meteor iron-works - 9-centimeter shells; the main railway workshops are 3-inch grenades of the French sample, factory of mechanical production

A.Ya. Henkina made 9-centimeter pig-iron shells to depth-charge mortars, percussions of a tube to them for hand-grenades [4, page 420; 9].

However the possible productive power of the Don enterprises for various reasons was not used, and every military year the production was reduced. In 1915 in the country the general recession of industrial production almost for 20% was shown, there was a fuel crisis, there were failures in work of the railroads, the financial system was upset, mass conscriptions led to decline of agriculture. This situation was observed also to Dona. The discontent of the population with foreign and domestic policy of autocracy grew. Society openly expressed negative and even hostility towards the central and local government. The point of view on war even of those population groups which fully supported the government in the beginning changed. Society was tired of war burdens.

Retreat of the Russian army in 1915, disorder of supply of fronts stirred up society again. It was necessary to adjust the industry to provide the front with weapon and all necessary. The combined efforts of political parties of cadets, Octobrists, progressionists (P.N. Milyukov, A.I. Guchkov, A.I. Konovalov, Accusative and P.P. Ryabushinskiye) summer of 1915 created the Central military-industrial committee (MIC) in hope with its help to arm army and to finish absolute war. Such committees were formed in regions and on places (city).

On June 2, 1915 in Rostov-on-Don the local military industrial complex which part owners of factories and plants, owners of trade institutions, members of town council, etc. were was created. The Rostov businessmen showed an initiative of the organization of uniform committee in the south of Russia for the solution of economic and political tasks. Together the southern Russian bourgeoisie sought to raise labor productivity at the defense enterprises and those plants where military orders were partially executed, to impart defense moods the worker, to stop growth of strikes, to remove the slogan "War to War!".

Already on June 14 along with local city committee the Rostov regional military industrial complex which united committees of the Don, Kuban, Black Sea regions, the Stavropol province and the Tsaritsyno County of the Saratov province began to work [10, page 1213]. The Rostov local and regional committees were headed by the millionaire Paramonov owning the enterprises of ten various industries of production [8, page 119].

In May, 1916 entered into the Rostov regional military industrial complex Aleksandrovsk Grushevsky, Armavir, Kuban, Novocherkassk, Rostov, Taganrog, Khopyor, Tsaritsyno and other local committees. The regional committee consisted of 23 departments and sections, made weapon for army, the Cossack peaks, checkers, horseshoes, podkovny nails, etc. [10, page 15, 31, 33]. Regional and local military industrial complex got pain from treasury -

shy orders for production of weapon, ammunition, equipments. To summer of 1916 in regional committee the orders grew to 24 million rubles from which 15 million went to the Rostov local committee. Businessmen on deliveries acquired the capitals and expanded production. So, Paramonov in the years of war constructed the podkovny and gvozdilny plants, started construction of eight new plants - sugar, canning, oil milling, etc.

Despite the taken measures, labor productivity at the enterprises working for defense nevertheless fell. Committees decided to create the working groups which would fight for increase in production of weapon for the front. Elections of members to these groups were made at the enterprises and were supported by moderate social democrats. Working, tired of war and difficult living conditions, were negative to activity of military industrial complex, the owners of factories, the plants, mines working for the front and enriching. They did not wish to send the representatives to these committees.

the Considerable role in an elective campaign was played by a position of the Bolsheviks who boycotted military industrial complex. By May, 1916 the working groups were chosen from 18 local committees entering into the Rostov regional military industrial complex only in four [11]. But they did not cope with the duties assigned to them. In the Donskoy mines of area in 1915 in comparison with 1914 the average labor productivity of miners decreased almost by 28% [12, page 191], the industrial enterprises in 1916 - for 40 - 48%. The working groups did not stop anti-war strikes, did not take up labor productivity on production arms.

For correction of situation in 1915 the representative of the head artillery department who addressed workers of a number of the plants of the city working for defense with an appeal of increase in production of shells was sent to Rostov. It explained that war is waged not only between soldiers, and and between the German and Russian workers, each plant and a workshop are considered as military unit [13].

In July, 1916 to Don there arrived the Minister of War and visited the defense plants of Rostov, Taganrog, Makiivka, calling for vigorous work on providing a font. He said: "My Drug... the enemy is cracked also our immediate task to break him finally", and for this purpose it is necessary to work amicably with everything day and night. The Don gendarme department reported to the capital that visit by the Minister of War of the enterprises did not make the necessary impression on workers and even "passed completely" [14]. The working groups of military industrial complex of Rostov, Taganrog, Novocherkassk at the end of 1916 were dismissed as demanded pay rise by the worker and did not correspond to the appointment. In Aleksandrovsk Grushevsky from five members of the group there was one. Disorder of the industry proceeded and aggravated with a difficult situation of transport transportations. The unification of the government and the public on problems of military victories did not come.

The special meeting on defense dealt with production issues an oruzhiiya. New Minister of War

A.A. Polivanov who accepted a post in June, 1915 wrote in the diary that this meeting most of all was anxious with receiving "rifles, so necessary for our army from abroad". Orders to two American plants on 3,200 thousand rifles were made, but they had to arrive only in 1916. From the order to the third American plant on 269 thousand rifles 31 thousand arrived [15, page 154]. Rifles were bought also in Japan. Attempts to buy 1 million German rifles of type of a Mauser in Spain and Brazil were made, but these procurements were not conducted. Purchase orders of weapon the foreign states exhausted treasury. The allied English government demanded from Russia in payment for orders over 640 million rubles gold and sendings it to London during war [16].

The Tula small-arms factory in June made 304 machine guns, and in August - 400, but it was obviously not enough. The Ministry of Defence considered it necessary to be exempted from arms supplies from abroad and sought for increase in the domestic. For this purpose ideas of a holiday of funds for construction and the equipment new state gun and steelmaking the plants for manufacture on 1850 rifles a day and on construction of the plant of explosives with filling workshops for shells and hand-grenades were introduced to the Duma [15, page 154-155].

The area of army of Donskoy received orders from the Special meeting on defense for production of pieces of military equipment, but was not able to execute them completely as 40% of skilled workers were at the front, they were replaced by unexperienced workers. In total 15 million people were called up for military service of Russia. War carried away killed during fighting of 2.5 million, died of wounds, hunger and cold - 6.5 million people [17].

From 9 Districts of Oblasti of army of Donskoy 6 were agricultural. Their main population - Cossacks and peasants - was called up for field army. In farms and villages the number of men was sharply reduced. Since July, 1914 the area was on martial law. All male Cossack population was a person liable for call-up. The Don Cossacks exposed front parts at the beginning of war: 2 Guards and 54 army regiments of 6-centesimal structure, 36 separate and 71 special horse hundreds, 1 Guards and 21 army horse battery of 6-cannon structure, 1 spare battery of 4-cannon structure and 12 teams, including 9 local [18]. Cossacks by own efforts prepared horses, equipment and arms. Mobilization of the Cossack parts continued.

To process the Don fields there was nobody, acreage were reduced, the productivity in some districts decreased to 40%, export of bread and bakery products fell apart, the high cost of goods grew. Such situation was also over the country in general. The leader of cadets P.N. Milyukov remembered subsequently: "The goods did not go to the village and the village of the bread did not release. The only way to pricing - the competition - did not exist. dachshunds developed sale & #34; from under on -

лы" it turned out & #34; мародерство". The army was tired, shortcomings of everything lowered spirit, and it does not conduct to a victory" [19].

Supply of army with food accident worsened, came nearer. In certain places of Russia the hunger began. Petrograd and Moscow suffered a shortage of bread. In May, 1915 the government created Food committee which collected data on grain stocks, had to organize purchases of food and its transportation. It was authorized to top military commander to forbid to take out bread and other food products even earlier from areas where troops settled down, and at unwillingness of peasants to sell bakery products at the established fixed prices - to requisition them. Then and through the whole country the fixed price of bread and other products were established by the resolution of the Special meeting. Food crisis amplified.

In September, 1916 the empress wrote Nicholas II to a rate: "The major for us a question is food now" [20]. Ruling circles looked for an exit from a difficult situation. A.D. Protopopov was considered as the person capable to adjust provisioning of the capital and armies and to settle the relations with the Duma which had to approve once again the budget with a holiday of funds for war. In this regard in other letter the empress addressed the tsar: "Please, take Protopopov the Minister of Internal Affairs since he one of the Duma, it will make an impression on them and will shut them a mouth" [21]. Protopopov was appointed the minister, but it did not improve situation. In November, 1916 the government entered a surplus-appropriation system.

The food policy to Dona was pursued on the basis of governmental decrees. To the area of the Don Cossacks there were orders for deliveries of food at the established fixed prices what peasants and Cossacks did not want to submit to, besides they received instead of nothing from the city and needed consumer goods.

The government had all reasons to hope for Don region in providing grain orders and orders as on the grain region. In 1914 the food and flavoring industry of Don gave to products for the sum more than 85 million rubles gold, from them 40% were the share of Rostov-on-Don. The flour-grinding production which was 70% of all turnover of this industry was on the first place. Only in Rostov 6 large steam mills giving 11.5 million poods of flour worked. There were 49 plants producing fish canned food, 3 large macaroni factories, 4 macaroni factories in Taganrog, ship's biscuits and other products were produced [22].

The area echelons sent food to the front and to the central cities, executed big orders for tanning products, tobacco products. The food enterprises made borsch in a dry form in extra packings, etc. But orders every month increased, both the plants and factories of area were not able to carry out them. In 1915 Don

began to feel serious interruptions in supply of the population. Villagers did not want to give food at fixed prices. Crisis accrued. Cards on food for working were entered, the others remained in extremely difficult situation.

If Russia could liquidate crisis in arms (projectile hunger) and by 1916 on Tula, Sestroretsk, Izhora small-arms factories was produced 1 million guns in a year, then with food it became worse. In February, 1917 in the capital and other large cities of the country of weight demanded "some Bread!". The discontent grew, and were added to this slogan "Down with the government!", "Down with autocracy!". Again the queen wrote the emperor to a rate: "This food question can dement" [23, page 203]. Disorder of supply of army with food strongly affected an internal political situation of the country and public mood. The newspaper of the millionaire Ryabushinsky wrote at this time: "We say now that the country faces an abyss. But touch history: it is absent day that this country did not face an abyss. And everything costs" [24]. The food question became in the center of race for power. Prodkomiteta in the provinces acted, but could not solve the standing problems, though were engaged in monitoring acreage, collecting harvests and distribution of products.

The February revolution of 1917 overthrew the autocratic monarchy, but food problems remained and were even more aggravated. The provisional government continued war and sought to attract masses to the solution of a question on providing army and citizens with products. The food committee was created at the provisional government which organized prodkoma on places with attraction of democratic masses. On March 25 in a legislative order the grain monopoly was entered. Prodkomiteta received functions of account, preparations, distributions of bakery products. The government issued the resolution "About Transfer of Bread to the Order of the State and about Local Food Bodies".

The grain monopoly was entered also to Dona. The regional food committee was in Rostov and was headed by the commissioner of provisional government M.S. Voronkov. In the cities and districts, local prodkoma were created. Private grain transactions were forbidden. In May, 1917 the requisition of bread and the cattle as the population voluntarily did not hand over food [25, l appeared in area. 15]. The provisional government rushed about in search of an exit from the situation. A.I. Guchkov in 1933 so characterized a situation: "From the very first days existence of Provisional government I felt its unsteadiness. the government was groundless, emptiness, below a chasm above" [26]. It did not cope with one of the main problems - food, despite carrying out drastic measures.

In the past safe Don region in the economic relation to fall tested big

difficulties on implementation of categorical orders from Petrograd to send to terms food in army and the capital. The authorities did not pay attention to deterioration in supply of the Don inhabitants and demanded increase in shipment of bread. The shortage of food and high cost in the cities of the Cossack area caused disorders and strikes of the workers supporting salary increase. In September the Meeting of food bodies in Novocherkassk decided to give 200 cars of products and 895 cars of fodder. According to dresses of the Central Meeting prodkomitet decided to send in November, 1000 food cars, and to carry out other dresses in process of receipt of products [25, l. 157, 170]. At such sendings food of army Novocherkassk could "fall into a state of the hungry city" as celebrated the Meeting. Courts brought to trial of the grain dresses evading from performance. Requisition of grain products was carried out in settlements with participation of the Cossack or soldier's teams.

Peasants and Cossacks of Don did not hand over the cattle on meat purveyances. The food committee was come to the aid by the Army circle in Novocherkassk which appealed to the population to hand over the cattle and at the same time requested Petrograd about increase in prices for meat. The Ministry of Food once again granted permission to raise fixed prices and in September ordered to the Don prodkomitet to send rutting 100 thousand beasts [27].

In 8 months of stay of provisional government in power the economy of the country fell into decay even more. War and revolution promoted an economic and political crisis, the sharp slowdown in the industry began. Military-industrial committees (by 1917 in the country they were more than 200) sought to provide needs of the front, but the labor productivity at the defense enterprises dropped almost by 23%, the economy was destabilized, cost ruble about 25 kopeks.

The food ruin occupied the country and its southern regions from where the government hoped to receive food at any cost. In Petrograd the day grain norm on a card was 1 pound (400 g) on the adult and half-pound (200 g) on the juvenile [23, page 17], in the fall the norm was cut by half. On fronts it was not frequent bread at all, and at best soldiers were supplied with crackers. In the fall of 1917 the food question became the sharpest and hardly solvable for procuring and distribution municipal authorities. There were no vehicles for export of the bread prepared to sending. The government established card norms of provisioning and for regions. In the cities of Donskoy of area the products were released counting upon a month: the norm of flour was reduced from 30 pounds (1 pound a day) to 25 pounds by one person [28].

In such intense situation the moderate socialists (the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries) who were in power lost influence on masses whereas leftists (Bolsheviks) gained strength and went to the power. Later one of members of the provisional coalition government

the Menshevik I.G. Tsereteli wrote: "Revolution does not know enemies & #34; слева" - such is there was an ideological will received by us from great people's movements of the past. But a February revolution was made in the conditions not similar to in what there took place former revolutions." [29, page 228]. Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries released the power from the hands. Further Tsereteli opens errors of revolutionary democracy: "& #34; The Bolshevism, here those gate through which the counterrevolution will break to нам" - we said, and this anticipation was fated to be carried out. But what we did not expect, is an opportunity that the Bolshevism will undertake practical implementation of the most terrible reaction, totalitarian destruction of any freedom, oppression and enslavement of a people at large" [29, page 236].

The Don society differently treated an October armed revolt in Petrograd 1917 on October 25 it became known of deposition of provisional government. The commerce and industry bourgeoisie, Cossacks tops, a part of the intellectuals and middle school of the population did not recognize the power of Councils and led with it fierce fight. The Don ataman A.M. Kaledin the telegram told Provisional government, Council of the Union of the Cossack troops and all Cossack parts that the Don army government considers seizure of power by Bolsheviks criminal, absolutely inadmissible and will give full support to Provisional government.

On October 26 companion of the Don ataman of L. S. God evsky the telegram informed Kerensky that members of Provisional government and Council of the republic are invited to Novocherkassk "for restoration and strengthening of the government" [30]. The Don Cossacks even in the years of heavy war and two revolutions in 1917 kept the military force, management and self-government, material and military base and it was capable to resist the power of Bolsheviks for a long time.

World war aggravated all contradictions in the Don society. It demanded from power structures and the people of huge tension of forces. Components of society ambiguously belonged to war and differently estimated it. A considerable part of the population of Don did not support an appeal "Absolute war" and counteracted it.

The area of army of Donskoy according to the order of imperial, and then and provisional government of Russia carried out big dresses on ensuring needs of the front and the central cities of the country. But it led to excess of economic opportunities of edge and to discontent of the inhabitants who fell into a difficult situation. From all difficulties created by war the food question which promoted accident of the government, death of the empire and old structures of local government became the most difficult.

the Majority of a people at large did not see

in World War I of national interests. Providing army with bread and other food was not less important, than delivery of arms and ammunition.

It made key problems of Don region during the war. However the Don city and Cossack authorities, as well as the government, had to care for national security that is provided not only military protection, but also regular supply of the population with food. War promoted violation of the principles of safety of the people and strengthened the conflicts with the power.


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Rostov international institute of economy and management 2 on November 7, 2006

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