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Category: History

Life of workers of Dagestan at the end of the 19th century



p. M. Hvadzhayeva LIFE of WORKERS of DAGESTAN at the end of the 19th CENTURY

Work is presented by department of archeology and ethnology of the Dagestan state university.

The research supervisor - the doctor of historical sciences, professor S.S. Agashirinova

In article extremely difficult situation of working class serving as one of the braking factors in development only of the industry of Dagestan gaining strength during the pre-revolutionary period is considered. Such situation was caused by policy of national and gender and age discrimination which was pursued steadily in Dagestan in a working question.

The paper deals with extremely hard labor conditions of workers in Dagestan, which served as an obstacle to the industrial development of the region at the prerevolutionary period. They were caused by the policy of national, gender and age discrimination conducted in Dagestan.

The industry at the end of H1H of century in Dagestan was developed very poorly and was only at an emergence stage. Development of the industry in Dagestan was followed by growth of its concentration. The data provided by I.R. Na-hshunovym on the basis of the statistical materials placed in "The Caucasian calendars" and in "Reviews of the Dagestan area" show that in manufacturing industry (without fish) from 1896 for 1900 the number of workers increased by one enterprise twice, and development of products almost by 5 times. However, despite rather high growth rates of production and concentration of the industry in Dagestan, this industry was at lower level of development here, than in Russia in general.

On development of industrial output per capita Dagestan lagged behind Russia in general by 2.5 times, and on degree of concentration of the industry almost by 3 times and twice on production on one enterprise [8, page 2].

Such is in general there was an industry which in 1913 turned out products (in pre-war rubles) on 13,381.7 thousand rubles (or in constant prices of 1926/27 about 20.0 million rubles), including [6, page 341]:

>- fishing industry turned out products on 8713 thousand rubles

>- canning - on 2430 thousand rubles

>- textile - on 1932 thousand rubles

>- the other industry - on 246.0 thousand rubles

Industrial development of Dagestan lagged from all-Russian far behind. When across all Russia in general the specific weight of industrial output in cumulative products of the industry and agriculture was 42.1%, in Dagestan it was only 20% [6, page 346].

One of many braking factors in development of the industry of Dagestan was extremely difficult situation of working class during the pre-revolutionary period.

On the eve of World War I in Dagestan 4-5 thousand constants were registered

and 15-17 thousand seasonal workers [5, page 120]. Such situation was explained by the fact that primary branches of the industry of Dagestan: fish, canning and wine-making and also brick and tile and limy, were seasonal, and over 84% of all industrial output fell to their share [10, page 8].

Constant shots of workers of Dagestan made generally alien of the internal provinces of Russia, and the percent of constant Dagestani workers was absolutely insignificant. So, for example, at cotton-mill in 1911 Dagestanis, and in 1914 - 23.2% made of workers of 20.1% [4, page 45].

Among seasonal workers the percent of Dagestanis was higher.

According to the data provided by G.I. Mi-lovanovym, the percent of Dagestanis on fisheries in 1912 made: in Petrovsky waters of 23.5%, in terkemeysky - 25.7%, in Derbent - 36.2%. And all workers on the crafts working at a herring there were 1583 people, from them the Russian 7641 people (48.3%), Dagestanis - 4593 people (29%) and Iranians - 3597 people (22.7%) [7, page 62].

In canning and wine industry the percent of Dagestanis was more, but nevertheless also the Russian workers (especially in Derbent, Petrovsk, Temir-Khan-Shura) who came from the different cities of Russia worked at the enterprises of canning and wine industry. The big group of constant workers worked at factory "Caspian Manufactory. First of all it consisted of the qualified Russian workers who were invited from the central Russia, but nevertheless also representatives of local nationalities, especially those sites which demanded big qualification worked there, were busy by the Russian workers, and in the others both the Russian and local Dagestanis worked. Usually Dagestanis worked in spinning and weaver's shops and at subsidiary works.

The number of workers at factory continuously changed. Na-hshunovym to factory was widely applied child and female labor.

Many Dagestanis worked also at other industrial enterprises of Dagestan. Especially at skinnery in Temir-Khan-Shura, at the cooper's plants and other enterprises. Big school of training of skilled workers of shots of Dagestanis was the petroindustrial region of Baku where there came especially Lezgians from the Samur and Kyurinsky districts. They worked at oil fields, at mechanical and oil refineries, etc. The number only of petroindustrial working Lezgians in 1903 is visible from tab. 1 [4, page 50].

Table 1

Distribution of petroindustrial workers

in Baku on nationalities

Naim - a novaniye National - nost Data of the budgetary observation Mass data, %

abs. % 1903 1913

Russian 717 31.9 25.6 24.7

Armenians 503 22.4 24.1 20.6

Georgians 40 1.8 0.8 0.8

Kazakh Tatars 165 7.4 5.7 4.7

Lezgians 139 6.2 8.4 9.2

Caucasian Tatars 254 11.3 12.2 9.2

Persians 393 17.5 20.5 28.3

Other 33 1.5 2.7 2.5

Total 2244 100 100 100

Thus if in 1903 among petroindustrial workers of the city of Baku who were subjected to the budgetary observation the Lezgians made 8.4%, then in 1913 they already made 9.2%. And the total number of all Dagestanis in oil industry in the city of Baku in 1910 totaled 2850 people, i.e. 8.2% of all constant workers and employees of the Baku petroindustrial region were made by Dagestanis [1, page 11].

Dagestanis went on earnings to Baku because in Dagestan the processing and mining industry only arose, and at that time they found good money in connection with a big lack of labor in Baku.

In Dagestan the businessmen pursued consistently colonial policy in a working question. In most the industrial enterprises imported workers worked. Fishery managers delivered labor from the North Caucasus and cheaper of Persia. As Na-hshunovym to factory, non Dagestanis generally worked on the fridge, the cooper's plants.

Specific weight of indigenous Dagestanis in 1913 reached in total number of workers no more than 10% [2, page 164].

Living conditions of workers of Dagestan at the end of the 19th century and a working condition were insufferably heavy.

Working conditions, application of female and child labor, national discrimination, labor protection, insurance of workers, etc. depended on an arbitrariness and lawlessness of industrialists. The beggarly salary, the 10-14-hour working day, lack of any cultural and community service, intolerable living conditions, penalties, corporal punishments, dismissal without calculation, etc. were usual for workers.

Social and economic conditions of this period in Dagestan doomed workers and their families to material deprivations, inhuman working conditions and lack of culture.

Manual work was widely widespread in the industry of Dagestan.

Conditions of Persian workers - the Iranian Azerbaijanians were especially severe in Dagestan. Hiring of Persian workers in fishing industry in 1912-1914 was made through contractors who in every possible way exploited them and shorthanded. At the same time they had with workers the special agreements and calculations,

in which the actual earnings of similar workers could not be considered.

In a word, Persian workers were in full power of "tamal" which were responsible before owners for quality of the workers delivered by them. They created cruel court and punishment over workers and, besides all this, held the lion's share of earnings of workers in the hands.

Really over a payment the Persian workers received in kind up to 1 f. tea, 2 f. sugar in a month both 1 churek and 3.5 f. torments [2, page 164].

And terms of employment of the Russian working nevodchik, sadilshchik, bakers, coopers and others were others: nevodchik received from 20 to 40 rub a month, coopers from 25 to 40 rub, bakers from 18 to 20 rub on the contents. Solilshchiki received from 70 to 200 rub a month and plus of 2-3 rub from a tub of the salted herring. Women on master's contents received from 10 to 12 rub a month.

Working mountaineers received: lyamochnik from 16 to 17 rub, veselshchik and oh-hilshchiki from 18 to 20 rub and kormshchik from 22 to 26 rub a month on master's contents [4, page 64].

Thus, national discrimination on fisheries was brightly traced in various level of the salary of working various nationalities. Dagestanis received for the same work the salary less, than the Russian workers, but it is more, than Persian workers.

The working day on fisheries lasted till 16-18 o'clock because their work depended on weather and profuseness of fishing, they sometimes worked at night overstrained, being beaten out with the last bit of strength.

All work on fisheries was performed manually, the only tool of fishing was the seine depending on which length the workers had to strain the forces, the more there was a seine, the it was more difficult to pull it.

Na-hshunovym crafts was absent the qualified medical care, normal sanitary conditions, scornfully treated cultural requirements of workers, etc.

Conditions of workers-coopers were not the best. Businessmen employed them two times a year - in May and November. Prices depended on a catch. The more a catch, the prices were established above.

Usually coopers received 15 kopeks for the developed osmushka, 20 kopeks for a chetvertushka and 25 kopeks for the 1.5 inch tubing while the keg cost an average of not less than 2 rub. Besides coopers owed tools get necessary for work, and them they received nothing for wear [9, page 220].

Certainly, such earnings were calculated on beggarly existence. Besides, coopers worked seasonally, and they had to live the rest of the time of year on savings of earlier earned money.

During a season the coopers worked all night long, and on Sundays repaired tools.

In very severe material conditions there lived working factories Caspian Manufactory. The low wage, high penalties, mass dismissals, unreasonably long working days hard were reflected in operating vital conditions.

In 1913 the salary of working various groups was following:

1. Weavers 72 kopeks
2. Bankabr. 87 kopeks
3. Spare 60 kopeks
4. Mechanics 1 rub 44 kopeks
5. Vatershchits 70 kopeks
6. Room vatershch. 63 kopeks
7. Spare 41 kopeks
8. Podmast. from 1 rub 10 kopeks to 1 rub 70 kopeks

Auxiliary workers received from 50 kopeks to 99 kopeks

For the slightest allowed defects subjected to high penalties up to dismissal from work. Quite often fined for "carelessness in work, to the administration", etc. As a result of penalties and other deductions workers quite often remained "owe" factory.

Worked in two changes. For example, in 1913 the factory worked seven months in two changes for 9 hours and five months in one change for 10.5 hour [9, page 219].

Difficult conditions of working and other industrial enterprises of Dagestan were same.

Extremely low level of the salary did not provide to the worker of sufficient means to cover the expenses connected with vital needs. Therefore workers were forced to cover lack of funds in the family budget with overtime works, piece work at home earlier and so forth. For this purpose quite often involved also other family members up to minor children.

About 90% of the general earnings of the worker and members of his family were spent for elementary necessary material requirements and almost nothing remained for satisfaction of its cultural requirements. Living conditions of workers of Dagestan were especially severe.

In process of increase in the population of the cities of the republic already intolerable living conditions worsened. Most of workers were forced to live in the uncomfortable, dirty, gloomy and crude basements and semi-basements.

Working quarters which were generally located on the outskirts of the cities were deprived of elementary conveniences and were in dirt and darkness.

In insufferably severe living conditions there lived workers of fishing industry of Dagestan. Not all crafts were provided with barracks, and in primitively built barracks which are available several lived on 60-80-100 people. In them there was a narochny system, absolutely there were no beds. All lived together. Here the office for family was placed. There was not enough bedding, workers settled down on straw. In barracks there was no heating, lighting. Workers were in dirt and to observe any hygiene they had no opportunity. Na-hshunovym crafts did not have baths, laundries, etc. Thus, barracks at crafts were nurseries of infectious diseases.

Not in the best conditions there lived workers of Caspian Manufactory. Most of workers lived in the uncomfortable master's apartments, many bessemeyny lodged, and those which had apartments were in narrowness. The family of 5-7 people lived in one room. In working quarters there was no water, the sewerage and other domestic conveniences.

In industrial settlements there was no improvement of streets, gardens, gardening, etc. Working rooms were not under repair and were in absolutely started state. Only the quarters inhabited by bourgeois prosperous elements equipped with modern conveniences and under repair in the cities.

Despite such extremely severe living conditions of workers of the republic, prices for apartments were very high. Workers had to pay big money for pathetic services. They absorbed the most part of the budget of family of the worker, averaging 18-20% of earnings, and at workers who lived on master's apartments, services for the apartment (tenancy, heating and lighting) were still more expensive, about one third of all their earnings [9, page 219].

To present what burden it laid down on the budget of family of the worker, it is possible to take for comparison that circumstance that now expenses on a rent and utilities made at the beginning of the 60th of the 20th century on average 4-5% of the general budget of working family [3, page 343].

Badly the situation in Dagestan and with satisfaction needs of workers for clothes was at this time. At the low wage and big expenses connected with conditions of life of workers of that time, the worker not always had an opportunity to put on a little decently. The bulk of workers of Dagestan bought worn dresses and footwear because purchase of new clothes was too expensive for them. Expenses on clothes and footwear averaged only 10-12% of all sum of the account budget of family. Certainly, under such circumstances the worker could not count on new clothes.

Most of workers, especially those which were connected with the village (i.e. those which families remained in the village and worked in the industrial enterprises), put on in the suits sewed from homespun rough cloth and sheepskin skins. Because the specific weight of expenses connected with clothes and food in the total amount of the account budget depended on whether in common the worker lives with the family or his family is in the village.

Workers behind the machine and houses carried the same old clothes, and about production clothes there could not be also a speech. Even on fisheries, at least on difficult sites of work, working did not provide with clothes and footwear. Because of absence of special footwear the nevodchik worked barefoot because they always up to knees were in water.

Seasonal workers who were hired from villages at the end of a fishing season came back home in rags.

Not better the situation with the worker's food was. Workers spent the main part of the earnings for food. At most of workers it made more than a half. Certainly, the quality of food was the lowest and low-calorie. Food

working family differed in monotony. It as in quantitative, and in a qualitative sense far did not satisfy requirements of a balanced diet of the worker of physical work.

Heavy material living conditions of the worker forced it to be malnourished systematically that led to gradual exhaustion of an organism. Food of working family consisted of the cheapest products. Especially dairy and vegetable food prevailed. Black bread, lenten soups from different grain, herring and vegetable oil entered a diet of the worker. Butter, meat were considered as delicious dishes which used in solemn occasions.

In food of workers mountaineers generally national dishes prevailed - hinkat from wheat and cornmeal, and the Russian workers used fat.

Difficult living conditions, forced labor, the long working day, poor housing conditions and low cultural level of the end XIX - the beginnings of the 20th century induced the worker to consumption of alcoholic beverages. Especially the Russian workers because held many believing mountaineers a little to "gyara" (taboo) of Moslem doctrine which forbade alcohol intake were prone to it.

Most of workers of local nationalities lived in the cities lonely, and their families remained in the village, clinging to the plot of land. Material living conditions of this category of workers were much worse than those workers who lived together with the families. The account budget of lonely workers was several times more, than at family. They sent over a quarter of the earnings to the village to help the family to pay tax payments for the earth, economy and to support big family.

The parcel of money as the help to the family worsened already difficult living conditions of the pre-revolutionary worker, and to take in the city of family the lonely workers had no opportunity because of housing discomfort.

Thus, the situation of working class in pre-revolutionary Dagestan was insufferably difficult. Difficult terms of employment and the organizations of work, difficult living conditions, especially housing, poor clothes and food forced workers to live in misery and wander from one enterprise in another to support itself and to provide big family.

The extreme need and pathetic existence slowed down process of folding and development of new forms of family life and ceremonialism in a working environment of pre-revolutionary Dagestan.

Nationalist trends, lack of international marriages, religious ideology promoted braking of international trends in the environment of working class.

Especially it was promoted by policy of national discrimination which was pursued steadily in Dagestan in a working question. It first of all was traced in terms of employment, in compensation under production conditions, in domestic conditions of Russians, Persians and Dagestan workers.

Radical shifts in life of workers, formation of new forms of family life, change of a way of life of workers, their material culture, production and public life could happen only to change of a social system of society especially in the first half of the 20th century

Thus, at the end of the 19th century the industry of Dagestan was developed very poorly and was only at an emergence stage. The volume of the industry came down only to the insignificant enterprises of semi-handicraft type and a little injuriously operated.

One of many braking factors in industrial development of Dagestan was extremely difficult situation of life of personnel of Dagestan at the end of the 19th century

Dramatic changes in industrial development, in house and production life of workers of Dagestan happened only in the first half of the 20th century

LIST OF REFERENCES

1. Dagestan by 15th anniversary of October. Makhachkala, 1932.
2. The Dagestan industry in five years (1920-1925). Makhachkala, 1925.
3. Achievements of the Soviet power in 40 years in figures. M, 1957.
4. G.I. Milovanov. Essay of formation and development of working class of Dagestan. Makhachkala, 1963.
5. I.R. Nakhshunov. Economic consequences of development of capitalism in Russia and Dagestan. Makhachkala, 1963.
6. Essays of history of Dagestan. Makhachkala, 1957. T. 1.
7. Conditions of life of workers in pre-revolutionary Russia. M, 1958.
8. CGA RD. F.1-p. Op. 16. 1053. L. 2.
9. CGA RD. F.1-p. Op. 4. 113. L. 219.
10. CGA RD. T. 26. Op. 2. L. 8.
Augustus Barnard Kelly
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