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Otkhodnichestvo in the Karata union of rural communities (XIX - the beginning of the 20th century)

 © 2008 of P.M. Azizov


(XIX - the BEGINNING of the 20th century)

The noticeable place in social and economic life of the population of the Karata union was taken by the seasonal work which arose here till the considered time. "Otkhodnichestvo, caused by scarcity of the nature and difficulty of vital conditions in severe conditions of mountains, originates with H1U-HU of centuries, - S.H. Asiyatilov writes, - when broad agricultural development of flat areas of the North Caucasus and Transcaucasia began" [1, page 92].

To be engaged in seasonal works forced Karata difficult economic and natural and geographical conditions, suspense of social and economic problems. "Seasonal work, - it was noted in materials of the Dagestan regional statistical committee, - obliged by the existence to comparative density of the population, poverty of the nature, absence to the processing and mining industry and other economic conditions, it is very widespread in area..." [2]. To be engaged in an otkhodnichestvo also "the lack of the earth and its small fertility" forced Karata, as well as other mountaineers, [3], as a result of it impossibility "to live, being engaged only in rural work" [4], absence or weakness of sale of the work of the workman of the population on the place [5], impossibility for the poorest part of the population to find earnings." [6].

"Especially it was necessary for inhabitants of mountain Accident" [7]. Low degree of economic security of Karata along with other factors had a direct bearing on quantity of otkhodnik from Karata.

In the direction the otkhodnichestvo of Karata, as well as the Dagestan otkhodnichestvo in general, differed on intra Dagestan and external [8, page 21].

The internal otkhodnichestvo was expressed, on the one hand, in performance in the next societies and districts of works as workmen as people (bricklayers, carpenters, etc.), with another - in search and performance of any physical work by not workmen by people in the same place. In official statistics there are no authentic data on an internal otkhodnichestvo. It contains in the basic material on an otkhodnichestvo out of borders of Dagestan. Otkhodniki-karatintsy, as well as other mountaineers leaving borders of Dagestan went generally to the neighboring areas: Zakatala, Georgia, Baku and Grozny petroindustrial regions.

In Karata, as well as in Dagestan in general, in the considered time two categories of otkhodnik were distinguished: 1) otkhodniki-workmen, i.e. people owning some skill, the handicraftsmen leaving in job searches on the specialty; 2) the otkhodniki-not workmen who did not have knowledge of craft, departing to different places and finding to themselves earnings in all types of physical work.

"Went on otkhozhy earnings not only not having the cattle, but also all those which had no knowledge of craft...", - the chief of the Gunibsky district [9, l wrote. 294]. In character both the intra Dagestan, and external withdrawal was agricultural and not agricultural [8, page 28, 31].

Forms of an otkhodnichestvo were the most various: agricultural, industrial, domestic, hiring in policemen, security guards, etc. [8, page 41]. "Arrival of mountaineers on military service to feudal possessors of Transcaucasia, and even boundary Turkish pachaliks and to Persia" [10, page 98] was one of forms of an otkhodnichestvo.

In former time quite most part of leaving was employed on military service [11, page 314]. "Avars in general are called Lezgians.", - A.I. Akhverdov wrote. - By nature craft of these Lezgians - circulation upon the demand of the Persian khans a circle of the Caucasus to the planes having the possession to the aid against their enemy. The payment is made by it from May to September and where would not be got, September in the first return to the dwellings, hurrying that snow did not bar them the way to it. Each Lezgian receives 12 rubles of a payment. And whether there is who them not employs, then go on a convenience to different places on crimes, the otkudova also to a pochast a half only returns, and that sometimes with production, and sometimes and with anything" [12, page 224, 225-226].

In the second half of the 19th century, with accession of Dagestan to Russia, forms and the nature of an otkhodnichestvo changed. In comparison with the first half of the 19th century in its second half, especially in the 80-90th, in connection with penetration of the capitalist relations into Dagestan, conditions of places where mountaineers left on earnings significantly changed [13, page 37]. The vast majority of otkhodnik consisted of not workmen of people.

Were employed by Otkhodniki for fields and in gardens to rich Dagestan and Georgian land owners as farm laborers, left on fisheries [4, page 30]. Many otkhodnik found to themselves a job on oil fields of Baku and Grozny, others served as watchmen at the plants and factories, joined ranks of the Dagestan horse regiment, admitted them to police guards and policemen [14]. Otkhodniki ".preimushchestvenno arrive watchmen on the plants, - the chief of the Gunibsky district in 1909 wrote - Still there is a requirement from internal provinces to the policeman's position..." [15].

Strictly certain order of withdrawal did not exist. A part of otkhodnik of Karata left on earnings annually, usually since fall, after harvesting [16].

"Since fall, - A.G. Meleshko wrote, - almost universal removement of Tlyaratinsky and Chara-dinsky areas to rich valleys of Alazaniya began - in

Georgia, in fertile woodlands of the Zakatalsky district of Azerbaijan where they were engaged in different crafts and performed on hiring agricultural works" [17, page 9].

These otkhodnik usually at the end of spring - the beginning of summer came back home, in May-June when there came the time of agricultural works [16; 17, page 19].

Not all adhered to such order. A part of the otkhodnik who were usually going to more remote areas - to industrial centers of the Caucasus and to the internal provinces of Russia did not return to the period of summer agricultural works (weeding, hay preparation, harvesting) as these works at Karata in general were performed by women, "even at cash of the owner". These otkhodnik, according to the chief of the Gunibsky district, "will conform time of visits of the house with service" [16; 17, page 19]. On the other hand, this results from the fact that "at the vast majority of otkhodnik the land plot was small, and some part did not have it at all... Therefore otkhodnik had no need to come back home for processing of the plot of land" [8, page 52-53].

From the Grozny oil fields of nearly 60% of the Dagestan otkhodnik left mainly in the fall and in the winter, many of which often, without coming back home, moved off in searches of other work [8].

Karatintsy-otkhodniki because of remoteness of their societies from the industrial and agricultural centers where they left, could not come back home soon and often. On the other hand, it was unprofitable to them.

On otkhozhy earnings also almost only men" [9, l left "mainly. 296]. Families leaving with rare exception stayed at home [15].

The majority of the otkhodnik leaving on earnings had the processed ground and a certain quantity of the cattle in possession. From this it follows that bulk leaving on earnings was engaged in an otkhodnichestvo generally without separation or with a partial lead over the main agricultural and pastoral economy. The collateral, but not unimportant value had Otkhodnichestvo in economy of Karata.

Over the years there was an increase in quantity and change of qualitative list of otkhodnik. It was influenced by a number of factors: specifics of economy, scale and level of stratification of an uzdenstvo, unemployment rate, proximity to the industrial and agricultural centers, traditional character of communications, possibilities of an otkhodnichestvo, construction of the Vladikavkaz railroad, etc. [8; 18, page 107]. Penetration into economy of the commodity relations led to emergence of free working hands. In Karata this process was less expressed in comparison with the low regions of Dagestan. Extent of development of an otkhodnichestvo was defined also by crop failures, need of purchase of bread and forages, need to pay off the government for the loans allowed them, etc. In 1896, for example, the population of the Tleyserukhsky naibstvo because of plo-

a hy harvest it was forced to buy 3000 poods of bread for the sum of 2230 rubles. To one smoke purchase of bread managed on average 8 rubles [19]. In 1907 the society of the Karata union along with other next societies suffered a loss of bread because of heavy rains. The general bag of a loss on the Gunibsky district in general made 41.5 thousand rubles [20]. In 1913 because of the small harvest connected with a drought to 18 settlements of the Tleyserukhsky site, 15 settlements of the Andalsky site and 8 settlements of the Kuyadinsky site the government released a loan for pro-feeding of the cattle in the sum of 131,110 rubles and on food and obsemeneny 120,679 rubles, with a return condition within three years [21].

Increase in number of otkhodnik in the second half of the 19th century concerned first of all external withdrawal. It is connected with high percent of the poorest and very low interest of the rich peasantry, especially in a mountain part of Dagestan.

Same "the high percent of the farms resorting to sale of labor and, on the contrary, insignificant percent of the farms resorting to its hiring" speaks. ". The rich layer, - as marked out A.G. Meleshko, - was small and absorbed only an insignificant share of labor. Therefore from year to year the otkhodnichestvo from Dagestan grew." [22, page 64-65].

The Dagestan factory industry "could not provide employment also to the tenth share of the working hands released in the village", besides, establishment of "strong communications of Dagestan with other Areas of Caucasus", increase in import of goods of the factory industry from the central regions of Russia and in this regard falling of the prices of many types of products of local cottage industry promoted growth of an otkhodnichestvo [18, page 109].

From 1883 to 1915 the number of otkhodnik from everything Dagestan out of its limits increased by 2.6 times [8, page 17; 22, page 64-65]. We cannot show dynamics of development of an otkhodnichestvo for Karata due to the lack of concrete data. But nevertheless it should be noted that men participated in an otkhodnichestvo mainly.

The vast majority of Karata's inhabitants leaving on earnings consisted of young people aged from 18 up to 30 years.

Working conditions and lives of otkhodnik were difficult. They were exposed to operation. Many otkhodnik died of malaria and various diseases [4, page 30; 13, page 37]. Nezemledelcheskiye and not workmen otkhodnik performed the most hard and low-wage works. Due to the lack of skill and a certain (required) skills of work they were forced to agree to any kinds of works and a working condition. Earnings of otkhodnik were low and made from about 80 to 130 rubles a year [15, l. 116; 23]. On the size of earnings of otkhodnik and also conditions of their work and life were influenced by a number of factors. "Being not well informed, - the chief of the Gunibsky district wrote in the status report on the district for 1909, - the mountaineer, seeking the place, will not be conformed with a situation and Wednesday in which he should live, and only podys-

the most paid place nods

ordinary through the fellow countrymen, and it is frequent, having got on adverse Wednesday, persons of suspicious professions, arrives in the district already discredited on court, having chosen itself occupation theft or robbery... On ignorance of Russian the earnings departing on the parties are small..." [15, l. 116].

However, despite all difficulties, the otkhodnichestvo in Karata continued to develop. It played a positive, progressive role lives of the population of Karata, as well as the people of Dagestan in general as a part of otkhodnik was connected with capitalist production.

Summing up the result of told, we will note that the otkhodnichestvo was secondary occupation of Karata. It was caused by suspense of social and economic problems.

In the direction the otkhodnichestvo was vnut-ridagestansky and external. Otkhodniki Karata were drawn towards Transcaucasia. Forms of an otkhodnichestvo were the most various.

In the considered time over the years there was an increase in quantity of otkhodnik, especially out of borders of the area. Despite difficult working conditions and low earnings, an otkhodnichestvo continued to develop. It promoted permission of social and economic problems, "... turned into a peculiar craft, into the constant factor characterizing development of the Dagestan aul at the end of XIX - the beginning of the 20th centuries" [8, page 15], "... it broke patriarchal isolation, acquainted otkhodnik with higher culture" [4, page 30].


1. S.H. Asiyatilov. Historical and ethnographic essays of economy of Avars (XIX - the first half of the 20th century). Makhachkala, 1967.

Dagestan state pedagogical university

2. CGA RD, t. 2, op. 2, of the 59, l. 10; The Memorable book and the address calendar of the Dagestan area for 1901 / Under the editorship of E.I. Kozubsky. Temir-Khan-Shura, 1901. Page 76.
3. CGA RD, t. 2, op. 1, 27, l. 37.
4. Z.A. Nikolskaya. Avars//People of Dagestan. M, 1955. Page 30.
5. CGA RD, t. 2, op. 2, 11, l. 2.
6. In the same place, 27, l. 25.
7. Material culture of Avars. Makhachkala, 1967. Page 19.
8. Shigabudinov of M.Sh. Otkhodnichestvo in Dagestan in 19 - the beginning of 20 century Makhachkala, 2000.
9. CGA RD, t. 21, op. 3, 105, l. 294.
10. B.G. Aliyev the Unions of rural communities of Dagestan in

XVIII -the first half of the 19th centuries Makhachkala, 1999.

11. History of Dagestan. M, 1967. T. 1.
12. Akhverdov.I. Description of Dagestan. 1802//IGED.
13. History of Dagestan. M, 1968. T. 2.
14. CGA RD, t. 21, op. 3, 55, l. 117.
15. In the same place, 73, l. 116.
16. CGA RD, t. 2, op 2, of the 59, l. 10.
17. A.G. Meleshko. Development of the capitalist relations in agriculture of Dagestan at the end

XIX -beginning of the 20th century of M., 1957.

18. H.M. Hashayev. A social order in the 19th century in Dagestan. Makhachkala, 1961.
19. CGA RD, t. 2, op. 1, 57, l. 25.
20. In the same place, t. 21, op. 3, 57, l. 108.
21. In the same place, 100, l. 53.
22. A.G. Meleshko. Resettlement of the peasantry in the Dagestan aul on the eve of October//OUSE IIYaL DF Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Makhachkala, 1958. T. 4.
23. The memorable book and the address calendar of the Dagestan area for 1901. Page 76.

On December 11, 2007

Mary Hernandez
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