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Traditional clothes in ceremonies and representations of Dolgans


A.I. Savvinov


Traditional clothes — the phenomenon very versatile. Possessing complex semiotics structure, it occupies a special niche in spiritual and ceremonial culture. In the ceremonial system of life cycle the clothes play an important role of social and sacral signs. In article the role and the place of clothes in traditional ceremonialism and in the representations of Dolgans connected with it is considered. The Dolgan clothes are saturated the bright images caused by traditional ideas of life and the death of the person.

A. Savvinov


The phenomenon of traditional clothes has many aspects, having an intricate semiotic structure, it occupies a particular niche in the spiritual and ritual culture. In the ritual system of life cycle, clothes play an important role of social and sacral signs. The article regards the role and the place of clothes in the Dolgan traditional ritual and the beliefs of the Dolgans associated with it. The Dolgan clothes are rich in bright images rooted in the traditional concepts of the human life and death.

The traditional clothes are that rare element of material culture in which rich spiritual experience, national beliefs and representations is accumulated. The customs and beliefs connected with clothes are special layer in traditional outlook of Dolgans. As a form of public consciousness they are very valuable to studying ethnocultural features — such universal categories as traditional clothes.

The clothes often are considered by researchers not only as a thing, but also as the sign, the symbol transferring important information on the person, his age, occupation and, at last, about his social and ethnic origin. Clothes of Dolgans, as well as any traditional clothes, differ in polyfunctionality. Ritual and religious and magic functions which make a uniform sign system are of special interest.

The traditional clothes of Dolgans differed to destination: tyataaga tatsas (trade and hunting), olYnnYk tatsas (funeral), tatsara of a shatsa (festive and output).

Many events which are taking place in human life find reflection in traditional clothes as a special ethnocultural phenomenon. Perhaps, one of the main socially important ceremonies of life cycle — the wedding ritual symbolizing the marriage union and education of family.

In a wedding ceremony (kurum) both the related beliefs and representations the traditional clothes as sign category performed special symbolical function. The clothes were an important and obligatory part of wedding gifts: bridewealth of the groom (Iuluu) and bride's dowry (ennye tatsas). It could be different types of fur clothes, besides, in addition gave matter cuts, scarfs. For example, on A.A. Popov's materials, five pestsovy fur coats, a pestsovy blanket, female wolf nagolennik, a good dress for the old woman, besides various skins for clothes were a part of one bridewealth of the big size. The groom's gifts intended for certain family members in advance, among them was special — for the bride's mother [22, page 62]. Two fur coats (everyone had separately put on embroidered cloth top), from which one was put on by the bride entered a dowry of the bride. Except fur coats, also wolf nagolennik included elegant fur footwear in structure of a dowry. In things before stacking them in chests, put small change that each thing "had the inside". In the Norilsk district in a bag as contents (matayets pne) put on a meat piece especially for this purpose of the killed of a deer [22, page 70].

Articles of clothing — obligatory and important making a bridewealth from the groom and the bride's dowry. The material aspect of wedding ceremonialism had also what

nomic, and important symbolical value. Certainly, the quantity and the nature of wedding gifts depended on solvency of family, but anyway among gifts there had to be something from clothes, sometimes its quantity was quite impressive. P.E. Ostrovsky provides the receipt of the ilimpiysky Tungus on receiving a dowry of the bride — daughters of the rich Essene Yakut. In the list, among other things, a specific place is held an outerwear set from valuable grades of fur, expensive silver jewelry, silk dresses and scarfs [18, page 14-15].

The author gives and other case, for example, the Yakut of average prosperity with the Kheta River paid to the brother of the bride except only three fur coats [22, page 16]. Thus, the clothes were a universal gift what attached not only especially pragmatic significance, but also not less important symbolical sense to. Similar wedding gifts were characteristic also of other Siberian people. For example, about 100 dressing gowns, up to 40 pairs of shoes, several dozen nogovitsa, etc. were a part of a rich dowry of the Nanaian bride, part of them became then burial clothes which have to warm the woman in a next world [8, page 69]. 30-50 shirts and sundresses entered a dowry of the rich bride at the Russian peasants [16, page 13]. It should be noted that exchange of wedding gifts in the form of articles of clothing, their obligatory inclusion in structure of a dowry or a bridewealth — the characteristic custom widespread in wedding ceremonies of many people, including east Slavic, tyurko-Mongolian and also tungusoyazychny natives of Siberia [7, 1969; 38, 1981; 16, 1984; 4, 1987; 5, 1996; etc.].

When the child was 6-7 years old, to him irrespective of a floor pierced a lobe of an ear and through an opening passed the thread ssuchenny from human hair. On representations of Dolgans when the person dies, the evil ghost looks at his ears and if they not

are pierced, cuts off them and uses instead of spoons. The evil ghost does not touch the made a hole ears as a spoon full of holes it is impossible to scoop food [22, page 58; PMA]. To boys it became to mislead evil spirits and by that to protect the child [10, page 116-117]. Dolgana of small children was usually not indulged special dresses, expensive clothes. In it, probably, also is as G.P. Snesarev wrote, some fear of a malefice. On its materials, the Khorezm Uzbeks of children purposely did not wash, dressed in dirty and ripped clothes. All this became in order that the child was not praised and by that did not maleficiate as the malefice could come from simple verbal approval [33, page 93].

There were special bans concerning a women's clothing which were in many respects connected with the ritual attitude towards the woman. For the married woman the head scarf without which she should not be shown not only the stranger, but also a male part of family was considered as obligatory attribute. Anyway the head has to be always covered with a scarf. The woman should not show hair to the father-in-law and elder brothers of the husband, otherwise was considered that they could go blind.

According to A.A. Popov, women's shoes were never sewed from white kamus that was connected with the special attitude towards a white deer as to a clean animal [27, page 94].

The woman should not put on men's wear, otherwise said that "the husband will have a short life" (eritsa of Yyete Iuok buoluo a diene). Or, on the contrary, as G.V. Ksenofontov writes: "The traditional northern Yakut will not dare to put on any part of a women's clothing. Besides impossibility in a women's clothing to go for trade, they usually explain this charm with the fact that the man will be hurt by bones. It is more than that, the woman has no right to hang up the clothes over the man's clothes that not

to profane it. If there is this misfortune, then the injured man cannot go for trade, without having made a special ceremony of clarification of the profaned clothes" [14, page 323]. Therefore, there is a need of clarification of any clothes sewed by the woman for carrying [14, page 23]. Dolgana also observed this custom. Any men's wear made by female hands before being used for designated purpose, has to undergo symbolical clarification surely. This quite widespread belief; for example, Khakas also considered the ban to put on to women men's wear, to sit down on it and even to step, otherwise the man will get sick (the mentality) [5, is suppressed with page 88].

According to Dolgans, female things, including clothes, have to be tyastaak, i.e. ringing. An important detail fur parks of Dolgans — naspinny hoolbYYP ornament in the form of pendants from the metal plates and a beads strung on rovduzhny laces. When walking a pendant by all means ringed. Attached to a ring of metal pendants of a dolgana special magic significance as having presecurity and cleaning force. For example, Evenks considered that the ring of the metal conic tubules and kolokolets suspended to a shaman raincoat symbolized voices of numerous spirits of the shaman [3, page 178].

As women's trousers and footwear were considered as "dirty", was strictly forbidden them to hang out houses. Female things kept in plague separately from men's, usually they were in women (chuotsaat) at a door where household utensils and firewood whereas men's — in a sleeping part plague, at a bed headboard were stored (ketegeriin). Moreover, the "dirty" women's clothing was forbidden to be washed together with men's or children's, for this purpose the woman has to have a separate basin. There were special female bags for storage only of a women's clothing called a nama during a kochevaniye them carried separately on the sledge which is specially intended for this purpose.

In ancient ceremonial traditions where the women's clothing often appears, some echoes of very archaic representations connected with special honoring of the woman are traced. Those female images of patrimonial deities which hold a specific place in traditional views of Tungus testify to the leading role of the woman in an ancient cult. Moreover, it is considered that the woman was the first owner of a shaman gift. It is quite possible also that the traditional raincoat of the Tungus shaman on the construct - to ny features of a cut and finishing had some characteristic features of women's outerwear which were absent on men's [3, page 180].

The women's clothing possessed special sacral symbolics. Not accidentally in the customs connected with totemichesky representations, an important role is played by objects of a women's clothing. At Yakuts the custom was widespread to bring the got fur animals (a fox, rysya) in a yurta through a window, at the same time previously having decorated an animal with a silver necklace of a kyldyya and having put on him a women's cap, and at the Vilyuysk Yakuts — having turned in a women's fur coat [15, page 89-90; 23, page 281]. In the Yakut legends it is told that at a meeting of totemic birds: a swan, a hawk or the man's eagle, biting the dust, hid the face in palms, and women put on tatsalay — a patten elegant sleeveless jacket from a rovduga [23, page 281].

According to stories by the avamsky Dolgan of A.M. Bezruky (1905) when she married and left to the husband, to her put on a cap not as usual, and back to front. According to elderly Dolgans, before the man sometimes put on a women's cap, but by all means back to front. This fact has something in common with the custom recorded at Yakuts in H1H of century according to which women during a sacrifice ceremony to the goddess-patroness of women in labor of Ayyykyt the caps with metal plaques on a front part were put on back to front. In ma-

to P.V. Sleptsov's teriala we find interesting data of rather this custom. Was considered that the goddess of women in labor of Ayyykyt is afraid of a sound of metal and that not to frighten her, tried not to make during childbirth a similar sound. If the goddess is frightened, the newborn dies (RAS Archive (PF), t. 47, op. 1, unit hr. 368, l. 109-110). On A.V. Adrianov's materials, the southern Altaians at carrying out of the dead put on to it a cap back to front [1, page 196]. It is difficult to judge symbolics and ritual value of so mysterious custom, it, probably, was connected with some magic representations of ancient origin which had a certain apotropeichesky function.

In family and household ceremonies a special role is played by center fire as a life symbol. Its protective and cleaning function is important. The clothes as the thing which is directly connected with a human body and besides created by the woman's hands, had to be exposed by all means to clarification by fire. To clean any profaned thing (for example, a cap if the woman sits down on it), it was necessary to bring it to fire and several times, stretching forward, to tell: Alyas * [23, page 274]. Before putting on the clothes which visited the woman's hands, the innocent girl also has to clean previously it over the center. The same was done with clothes of the participant of a funeral: brought it in plagues through the center (RAS archive, t. 47, op. 1, unit hr. 365, l. 182].

Home ashes at Dolgans have the special ceremonial symbolics connected with a cult of ancestors. Some perezhitochny forms of ancient representations are observed in modern life of nizhnekhatangsky reindeer breeders. To take custom in the road ashes — the characteristic phenomenon in life of modern tundrovik: women place it under the right hem parks, and men sew a small small knot in the trousers. Upon return home the small knot is untied, and ashes are poured out back in the center (PMA, the Khatanga district, 1994). Infor-

manti in this custom note its special protective function. Ashes of a home provide driving off in a long journey the successful road, their safe return (etezze kyldyyaktaryn).

There were also various small beliefs and the bans. For example, if indoors (plague, a beam) someone sat in a headdress (the woman in a scarf shawl, the man in a cap or the chin rest), said to it: "A sin — you will be in debt" (Iesteek

buoluots). If the young man during meal did not take off a cap, said: "Anyiya **, take off a cap, the wife will be stubborn" or "Anyiya, standing, do not take off footwear, the wife will die" [26, page 97]. It is impossible to twirl and twist a cap in hands — you will go crazy, etc. Articles of clothing were often used in the magic actions of ritual character directed to change of weather. In the summer to call wind, on the street took out clothes from a wolf skin or just hung out it. On purpose prizyvaniye of heat stuck to the earth a shovel the blade up, in the same situation put the axe which put on a cap in plague. Was considered that if in the summer the widow begins to shake beds, there will be bad weather (MAE archive, t. 14, op. 1, unit hr. 138, l. 317).

On G.N. Gracheva's materials, at the Nganasan to clothes there was a special relation. On their representations as the thing, closest to a body, it is impregnated with a human smell, his life, and a headdress, except everything — and thoughts. Was considered that if the clothes long time lie on the earth, that can take away to herself the owner's life. In this regard the extra care was demanded by a cap. The person who found it can damage mind and life to the owner therefore the old unnecessary clothes were left suspended to a tree. By then, when it will fall, the smell, "spirit" of her owner already manages to disappear. Deliberate damage of clothes of the living person was equated to causing to him not only the evils, but also to the actual killing of the owner, similar

the act has to be punished by death. By data A.A. Popova, in the 1930th years it was in that case possible to pay off [9, page 55].

Similar Nganasan beliefs occurred at Khakas who on it considered a collar of clothes and a button keepers of soul (Huth) of the person. At them it was not accepted to sell the clothes (if it was necessary, then it was necessary to unpick buttons), was considered that differently happiness will leave. Being afraid to wash away good luck, clothes were not washed. Before throwing out old clothes, unpicked a collar to release her "soul". Also arrived with the dead man's clothes. According to this belief, the person should not go with the broken-off collar [5, page 72, 87]. In general, sale of own clothes, probably, was the widespread ban, for example, according to the Russian beliefs, was considered that to sell the shirt — means to sell the happiness [16, page 41].

Some communication of clothes with soul of the person was traced also in traditional representations of the Vilyuysk Yakuts. They considered that in the person who slept without undressing, the evil ghost — abaasa therefore, going to bed, had to undo all buttons on underwear that did not enter abaasa entered. Before going to bed the taken-off shirt was folded a collar towards fire that evil spirits could not find soul of sleeping at night. Moreover, separate types of clothes, for example, of a mitten, fur stockings along with other household things, had ability to transfer the owners to evil spirits, specifying by the last a habitat of their soul. Before putting on the stranger's torbas, it was necessary to spit previously for a top that could not pass a disease [23, page 162, 264, 295]. Yakuts, probably, also considered that the negative power (evil thoughts, feelings) its owner could be transmitted through someone else's clothes. Similar representations were very close to Dolgans: at them it was impossible to scatter clothes on the earth,

especially the dead's things which suspended to the tree standing near a grave. Dolgans also had a custom of "aeration" of clothes; besides, considered for a sin to put on someone else's clothes, especially old person, said: "You will share with it its age" (gin kaakyn Ylles-tegin).

These beliefs are close to the occurring representations connected with clothes at other people. The belief in the magic force of ceremonial clothes was so strong that quite often attributed it special miracle property. For example, Altaians had a belief, as if the woman, a cat - paradise cannot give birth to the child, received this gift if she steals pants of the woman having many children and will carry them secretly or to keep under a bed (PMA, Mountain Altai). In East Slavic maternity traditions there was a custom to wrap the child in the father's shirt directly removed from it that the father loved and felt sorry for him. In use of unwashed clothes of the father for the newborn the special symbolics of communication of the father with the child was traced: it was not necessary to erase it, the fatherly love was considered, will be washed away [16, page 103]. Southeast Evenks of Yakutia in a cradle of the child put a cap of the adult man; on their beliefs, the cap was "the men's spirit protecting the child" [17, page 200].

Dolgans had a special category of elegant clothes which is inseparably linked with a kochevaniye and the road. Such relation to the best clothing can be observed and presently. The elegant, embroidered things representing a sufficient rarity in everyday life of settlements can be seen at leaving the tundra or visitors of reindeer breeders and their families more often. In such days the life will considerably be transformed, the gray ordinary picture comes to life bright paints of elegant clothes of reindeer breeders. Seasonal removements were always connected with joyful events, at this particular time there were intergeneric contacts and meetings,

reindeer breeders quite often arranged circular dances, various games, competitions. Among young people marriage acquaintances were usually made. Therefore during summer removements the people tried to change clothes in all elegant, women and men put on the embroidered caftans, headdresses, footwear. This feature of nomadic life of northerners was repeatedly noted by many etnogra-fy-North Veda [24, 1952; 7, 1969; 35, 1969 and

The main feature of trade clothes of Dolgans — its maskirovannost. In winter time the clothes were sewed from white skins, in the summer gray color was considered as the best. On P.V. Sleptsov's materials, nizhnekhatangsky Yakuts and dolgana during hunting for a wild deer also put on in all white: fur-coat, cap and footwear (RAS Archive (PF), t. 47, op. 1, unit hr. 368).

There were special types of trade clothes. During hunting silently to creep up on snow to a wild deer, put on a fur apron from Komus of a dyilbeetska or a kyylg of YOmer tYkYLYk. Sometimes for this purpose the bib was sewed from a dog skin. For hunting of the most practical the deaf clothes reckoned with a hood. Northern Yakuts also used the apron called dalys, wore it also during summer hunting in the tundra. Putting on in such apron, the hunter not only protected himself from dirt and moisture, but also facilitated to himself sliding when crept up to herd of wild deer. It was sewed from cervine kamus, directing to wool down [10, page 36].

The men's cap of a horboomiya (garmomiya) from white skins was considered as trade as men put on it during hunting for a wild deer. In the summer hunters wore rovduzhny hoods from the inside of which at the end of ears sewed on a pocket where put bullets [21, page 32].

The special relation to hunting clothes, beliefs, related to her, were dictated, first of all, existing re-

ligiozno-ethical standards and ecological rules which strict observance had to promote wellbeing of trade. Was considered that the hunter has to have the corresponding clothes: if to go to trade in clothes from fabric, then the spirit of hunting (ekekeen) will take offense and will not give production (RAS Archive (PF), t. 47, op. 1, unit hr. 1077). On hunting clothes did not do an edge of a wolf skin, thinking that she publishes noise, the sound will be heard (evil ghost), and the last will not allow to trade (iste a kytya, a bultatya of a kuog a diene). On materials of P.V. Sleptsov, the man, gathering for hunting, sewed on clothes wool scraps from a skin of a polar bear, thereby protecting themselves from various dangers (In the same place). According to I.S. Gur-vich, oleneksky Yakut reindeer breeders used as a trade charm wool from a hypodermic lump of a deer (byyats). Usually wool was sewed in a hunting bag and, according to some messages — in the hunter's clothes [10, page 211].

In trade beliefs and customs there was the whole system of the bans related to the woman, in particular — the pregnant woman. Not to "profane" a gun, self-arrows and other hunting equipments, for it was considered inadmissible to touch them. For example, the polar fox ceases to be caught if on a mouth to put a women's clothing as it, as well as the woman, was considered as "dirty" [21, page 202]. The similar beliefs and representations caused by a trade cult were characteristic of traditional religious belief tyurko- and the tungusoyazychny people of Siberia.

The clothes played a special symbolical role in funeral and ceremonial practice of Dolgans. The main requirement of burial clothes — compliance to traditions (it has to be ritually clean, it is desirable new and at the same time familiar). This characteristic of clothes of the dead is known in funeral traditions of many

people. Significance — important property of burial clothes. Dolgans have burial clothes (olYnnYk tatsas), according to custom, were preparing in advance. The Kamensk Evenks also arrived in production of clothes of the dead (bukiktetiges). It should be noted that preliminary preparation of burial clothes — very characteristic custom at many Siberian people (and not only). It was in many respects connected with features of traditional outlook. Was considered that the person after death, getting to the world of the dead, found the relatives and relatives there therefore it was very important to dress it in traditional clothes that recognized it by it and accepted to "the world of ancestors".

Evens, for example, began to sew burial clothes (busy) to the young man as soon as he reached maturity. However did it secretly, and it is desirable that sewed her mother or someone from close relatives. For this reason of the Koryak as V.I. Iokhelson wrote, the burial clothes were usually sewed at night when all slept, or in the afternoon, but when was at home nobody. If in the course of work somebody came into the house, then the woman hid it in a bag or under a blanket. On representations of Koryaks if someone notices the prepared burial clothes, then one of inhabitants of the house will die, and Koryaks stored it in an unfinished look, otherwise it will accelerate approach of death of the person [28, page 63-64].

Dolgana considered for a sin to dress the dead man in too expensive clothes, believing that in that world he will be tortured by debts (ieske a battaty a diene). According to some information, to the dead did not put on a belt, a cap, mittens and also footwear (RAS Archive (PF), t. 47, unit hr. 367). Sometimes as funeral used wedding clothes of the woman, i.e. for this case specially stored it. This custom in the past was widely popular, it is recorded by many ethnographers at the majority si-

Birsk people. At Yakuts the women's fur coat had special ritual value. In San gyyakhe buried the dead, it was put on by young people a wedding, sangyya gave as a marriage gift of the mother-in-law and, at last, in a female sangyyakh in case of lack of special vestments northern Yakut shamans made the mysteries [30, page 322].

Nganasans, the closest neighbors of Dolgans, sewed the special, relating to a bone (bones) so-called clothes a thanaka lu or latusya lu which was put on in two cases: when the person married and when he died [9, page 81]. It differed from usual casual clothes in a rich ornamental decor. On Yu.B. Simchenko's materials, dancing parks, wearable Nganasans at a wedding and put on going to a bodyrbo-moa "the earth of the dead", had no identification ornaments [30, page 171]. Burial clothes the Nganasan it was mentioned also at P.E. Ostrovsky which wrote that on a holiday of a meeting of the sun after polar night they put on in the best clothes so-called on the Russian slang "umiranny" (not used in other time, and only serving for clothing of the person after death subsequently) [18, page 79]. Evens of the lower Indigirka also got up the dead in those clothes which he wore on the occasion of a marriage [34, page 175]. Nanais of dead men dressed in wedding clothes sike or covered with it, but girded a dressing gown a tape of white color. On their representations, the wedding dressing gown had to serve as the identification mark for inhabitants of the Lower world — thus, on oar clothes (as the most ancient) recognized the relatives [12, page 116]. Therefore elderly Nanais protected a part of a wedding dowry for themselves as funeral [8, page 91]. At Evenks, besides, the women's "mortal" clothing had to keep characteristics of that group from which the dead came [7, page 139]. Olkhon bu-

ranks to the dead also put on the wedding clothes which remained in good condition [11, page 291]. This funeral custom was very widespread in the past at the Buryat, about it there are many certificates and in field materials P of D. Badmayeva [4, page 106]. The similar ceremony existed also at telengit: women were buried in their wedding chegedek. According to some information, as burial clothes at them served the wedding fur coat (PMA, Mountain Altai). This custom was well-known also in east Slavic funeral traditions. In some Russian provinces there was a saying "In what to get married, in that and to die". As believe, roots of this custom go back to pre-Christian antiquity [16, page 85]. The main feature of burial clothes — it should not be whole therefore previously put it any damages to a type of small cuts, openings, tore off some buttons. In this regard researchers offer different explanations. According to I.V. Konstantinov, the custom was based on desire to help the dead with an afterlife. Things spoiled in order that they "died" because objects, as well as people, could go, on beliefs of Yakuts, to the world of the dead only after "death" [13, page 157158].

East dolgana left clothes in which the person died or on the earth, or suspended on a tree [25, page 752]. Now to the dead man sometimes put on new clothes, following certain rules: it is necessary to sew it from left to right whereas the usual clothes are sewed from right to left, besides, seams have to be without knots. Get up the dead man on the left side of (PMA, the Khatanga district). The lack of knots, on representations of the Vilyuysk Yakuts, is necessary in order that soul of the dead did not "uzlitsya" (kutnut). Was considered also that it is impossible to give threads with knot — in the next world you will not meet. Some interpretation of dreams connected with clothing with izgotov-

a leniye of new clothes — to an illness, by death or in general to thin, occurring and now both at Yakuts, and at Dolgans, apparently, are directly connected with some characteristic of burial clothes — clean and new [23, page 297, 306, 321].

The special ban was considered to bury the dead man in beaded clothes as beads have openings through which the evil ghost will look (YYtteek gin, Onon of Corot of a kyty a diene). It was also forbidden to receive such clothes from the patient as the spirit of a disease through openings can take away the person (oguruo YYtYn ustun a ylya diiller). It was strictly forbidden to sew burial clothes from skins of "sharp-toothed" predators (akyylaaktar): a wolf, a polar fox, a fox, a glutton therefore from the dead man's clothes always previously unpicked a fur edge and beaded finishing.

On clothes in several places did cross-shaped cuts that the body could leave freely the dead man's soul (a tyyn tagystyn a diene). Evens did similar cuts on a back and under sleeves of burial clothes busy, besides, cut out rovduzhny knittings and a fringe. On our materials, dolgana irrespective of season of the dead man buried in demi-season clothes. Informants explained this fact with especially practical need: if to dress the dead in winter fur clothes, he will not get into a coffin. On representations of Dolgans, the size of a coffin has to correspond to growth and the dead man's volume strictly. Was considered as a bad omen if the coffin is excessively spacious or will have some aberrations at knocking down.

As material for burial clothes the rovduga was preferred, footwear sewed suede. In general, at Dolgans it is not accepted to bury the person in fur clothes (a tya tatsakyn tatsynnarbattar) that, probably, is connected with archaic tradition probably going back to an extreme antiquity. The similar custom in the past was observed also at Wad Dra -

of the gy Siberian people. At Altaians it was forbidden to put on to the dead clothes from animal bellows as in "other world" it will not keep at the dead's heart [38, page 97]. Evens also had enough to use at production of burial clothes of a skin of bears, wolves, dogs, gluttons, i.e. wild animals. This custom is known also at Nivkhs who the dead sewed nothing from fur, skins that was considered as a great sin. For footwear used white fabric in the form of a stocking or a boot [32, page 193]. The dead man should not have silver jewelry, took off from him earrings and rings including with stones as they, as well as any metal things, could burden the dead. Sometimes in a coffin put in addition replaceable clothes with some damages, besides in a special sack placed teeth, the dead man's nails. To the woman under the head put a small pillow from her hair.

As report our informants, in a modern funeral some ancient customs and ceremonies are observed. Elderly people prepare for themselves burial clothes also now, explaining it with the fact that they would not like that they were buried anyhow. Things carefully store though sometimes and put on (it is even to some extent recommended), especially for holidays, then put back. According to some data, it is considered that the clothes of the dead man have to be worn. Before burial as we already noted, surely unpick beads and fur finishing from the dead man's clothes. Also Khakas adhered to similar custom. On their beliefs, it was impossible to put absolutely new, unworn suit on the dead man, otherwise it "will not stick to a body". If knew about approach of death, and at dying there were no good clothes, then hurried to sew new and to put on it at least once before he dies [5, page 156]. Materials on Dolgans have very close something in common with data on funeral customs South Siberian

people. Telengita of Southern Altai also in advance prepared special burial clothes which included chegedek — the sleeveless jacket of the married woman which was considered as wedding. The clothes were sewed threads without knots. Wedding chegedek served as the identification mark that close relatives could find each other in the other world [1, page 193-196].

Old men are tried to be buried in rovduzh-ache footwear, in the absence of that to the dead man put on purchased boots. Existence of leather footwear as a part of burial clothes of Dolgans is connected with traditional ideas of a next world according to which the dead should float downstream death water (olYY uutun ustun) to relatives therefore similar brodn (RAS Archive (PF), t are necessary for it. 47, op. 1, unit hr. 367). However here, most likely, the characteristic of burial clothes — traditional character, recognition in "the world of ancestors" is traced. The ethno-marking function of rovduzhny footwear as important part of traditional clothes of Dolgans, probably, consisted in it.

In the past quite wide circulation had a similar idea. For example, in the central Russian provinces to the dead by all means put on bast shoes, irrespective of his solvency — even in case during lifetime of people did not carry them. Boots in a domovina were not put, including their "fashionable": in the next world, as spoke, "the fashion is not necessary" [16, page 91]. The head of the male dead man was tied a white scarf-nalobnikom of kYYC of the baayyyt. Necessary elements of burial clothes are mittens from suede or white fabric on which ends do small openings. Northern and lyapinsky Mansi also sewed for the dead man similar mittens sacks from white fabric, moreover, in them they put money [37, page 210]. Probably, this custom is connected with the ban to leave any part of a body of the dead naked, with this

covered with the purpose the face, put on mittens, etc. Ancient Yakuts have floors of clothes of the dead, beginning from a cervical cut and to the bottom, densely sewed, the ends of sleeves also tightly sewed up [34, page 92]. The similar custom was recorded by N.A. Alekseev at Chelkans and Tubalars in Altai [2, page 219].

The clothes which remained from the dead man are usually burned or left on the place of burial, having suspended to a tree standing close by or the veshal which is specially built for this purpose. Some consider that more valuable, for example beaded, clothes, having aired on the street within 40 days, it is possible to carry or distribute to relatives. In the past some things gave to the dead man's washerman (RAS Archive (PF), t. 47, op. 1, unit hr. 367).

The customs and beliefs connected with clothes are also noted in funeral and mourning traditions. The woman who buried the husband should not be engaged year in sewing, embroider with beads. In general, it was strictly forbidden to sew during mourning, was considered that it is all the same that to pierce eyes to the dead man. According to some information, it is impossible to be engaged in sewing in day of death and within three years later, otherwise said: to the dead of an eye you sew up (karagyn tigegin diiller). The widow should not cut year nails and comb hair as sawdust from nails and a filament can get into eyes of the dead. Buried the close relative it is not necessary to participate in dances not to trample down the person to the dead man (PMA, the Khatanga district), to the smith three years were not permitted to be engaged in the craft (RAS Archive (PF), t. 47, op. 1, unit hr. 367). The men who were taking part in a funeral ceremony or visited the house of the dead some time should not touch hunting tools, otherwise trade can stop (hannar, bult kiri-irgiir). It is considered that the spirit of hunting "disdains" dirty objects [15, page 55]. At a wrist disease on a hand tied leather laces from footwear, and on women's

the wrist was put on by laces from footwear of the man at whom the wife died recently, and, on the contrary, to the man — from the widow's footwear. Sometimes rovduzhny bandages carried up to three years (PMA, the Khatanga district, 1994).

So as shows the above material, the spiritual culture of Dolgans kept the whole complex of the original customs and beliefs connected with clothes. Have many ideas much in common with those at other Siberian people, first of all at Yakuts and Evenks. However it should be noted that the majority of characteristic customs and poveryev the Dolgans connected with ceremonial clothes (especially wedding and funeral), has wide circulation far outside Siberia. Many of them are very similar to customs of family ceremonialism at the east Slavic people. On G.S. Maslova's materials, tradition to exchange gifts at young couples as a sign of fidelity (pledge was served by a ring, the embroidered scarf or other objects of women's needlework), the role and value of articles of clothing as a part of a dowry of the bride and gifts (laying) of the groom, the symbolics of wedding clothes, apotropei-chesky value of its separate types were characteristic of East Slavic wedding ceremonialism.

The specifics of funeral ceremonialism of Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians include?

Sherry Miller
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