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Ideological and political searches and organizational registration of the Russian beloemigrantsky youth in 1920 1930e years on the example of the National Union of New Generation (NUNG)



34. PSZ 1. T. HH1. No. 15429. Page 580. Decree on June 8 36. PSZ 1. T. XXV. No. 18907. Page 594. Decree on March 28, 1782. 1799.

35. PSZ 1. T.XXV. No. 18727. Page 431. Decree on October 31 37. N.D. Sergiyevsky. Russian criminal law: Grant of 1798. and lectures. SPb., 1913. Page 141.

UDC 947,084

ideological and political searches and organizational registration of the Russian beloemigrantsky youth in 1920 - the 1930th years on the example of the national union of new generation (nsnp)

A.S. TERZOV

Penza state pedagogical university of V.G. Belinsky department of national history and technique of teaching history

In article the influence of civil war in Russia on formation of political culture of the younger emigrant generation, the history of creation and the first years of activity of the most known and influential beloemigrantsky youth organization, National Union of New Generation (NUNG) is considered.

The political split of society which arose owing to revolution and civil war was not overcome in emigration. On one flank there were remains of the radical intellectuals, and on the friend all those who struggled with Bolsheviks in the ranks of White Armies for the United and indivisible Russia. Emigration was divided into liberal, intellectual and national, White Guard. This circumstance could not but influence formation of political culture of the younger emigrant generation.

The materialistic ideas of the intellectuals pushed away emigrant sons because of those terrible consequences to what promotion of these ideas among the dark semiliterate people led. The intellectuals, of course, did not want all horrors of the Bolshevism, and, nevertheless, are responsible for them as it destroyed by the sermon of materialism and godlessness religious belief on which all moral beliefs of the people kept. In this destruction of an ideal of "Sacred Russia" saw an explanation of monstrosity of the crimes committed by the people in revolution. But the main thing - the remains of the radical intellectuals had no in emigration of support to the studying youth, in view of redistribution of roles on the stage of the Russian historical drama. "Right" stopped being a symbol of the evil, reaction and despotism. In comparison with Bolshevist terror, the old regime began to seem the kingdom of freedom, the right and humanity. "Left" connected to bitterness of memories of the historical insolvency of the intellectuals which brought to the fact that Bolsheviks could seize power [3] shown in revolution.

At the same time the White Movement stirred to action against revolutionary chaos, anarchy and Bolshevist terror became an embodiment of a heroic feat. Consciousness of participation in a sacrificial and sacred feat for the sake of rescue of the Fatherland attracted in ranks White the studying youth. Students, cadets, grammar-school boys and the cadet with enthusiasm responded to a mystical appeal to give the life in fight for a right cause, the God's truth. White volunteers sang: "We safely will go to fight for Russia Sacred And as one we will shed blood young".

Having appeared in emigration, they continued to live this fight. The young writer emigrant A. Alferov remembered: "Our generation, having passed on an equal basis with others through falling and all heroism of civil war, through falling and humiliations of the last years - cannot console itself even past: we have no past. Our childhood, years of the adolescence proceeded in confusion, bewilderment, expectation; memories of them are vague against the background of war and revolution. We did not know joy of independent situation, no labels - neither public, nor political, nor moral managed to stick to us... after the Russian accident the foreign steamships scattered all of us as unnecessary stuff, on others coast hungry. Externally depersonalized by a military uniform, devastated spiritually. Despair or almost despair - here a basis of our state of that time. Our looks were turned not forward, and back, and still some burning-down hopes were pinned only on Russia at us. We had dreams about war, about tortures, about our wives, children and mothers shot in torture chambers about a home, - and woke up in animal joy of release. We dreamed of how knights "without fear and reproach", the liberators educated by the European experience, we will appear before the people" [3].

In the mid-twenties in various countries of the Russian resettlement groups of youth, a mug or "award" which participants were not satisfied by activity of "fathers" began to arise. The vigorous youth which is brought up in the best traditions of service to the Fatherland was eager for sacrifice for rescue of Russia. Gradually interest in political problems grew in groups, there was desire, without ready answers of "seniors", to comprehend the reasons of defeat of white fight and the processes developing in the homeland.

In 1924 among the young Russian White Russians working at the mine Pernik in Bulgaria there was a circle of the Russian national youth. In 1927 the circle was transformed to the National Union of the Russian Youth (NURY).

In Yugoslavia, irrespective of Bulgaria in 1924 the Union of the Russian National Youth was created,

(SRNM). Originally SRNM cooperated with the Supreme Monarchic Council, and adhered to the monarchic concept of state system. Monarchic moods were reflected in pages of publication of SRNM - the newspaper & #34; Ours будущее". So in number 1 for 1926 the following problems of SRNM were designated:

"1. Association of youth for creation strong a body and spirit of a shot ready to sacrificial service to the homeland and recovery of its former power and greatness.

2. Strengthening and distribution of the Russian national-state thinking seeking for restoration of Russia on its century foundations - dominations of Orthodoxy, the Monarchy and Nationality and feasible active participation in the Russian national movement which is not determining in the foreign land of forms of the political system of Russia, but seeking for release it from a communistic yoke" [1].

In 1927-1928 primary activity of both the Bulgarian NSRM, and the Yugoslavian SRNM, were self-education and attempts of definition of own ideological and political platforms.

On September 1, 1928 the central governments of CPHM and HCPM issued the general appeal, suggesting to convene a youth congress in Belgrade. Congress purpose: to unite the organizations of the Russian national youth formed in various countries, to develop almost feasible ways for coordination of the general work and establishment of mutual support, "that the Russian national conceiving youth represented the uniform, strong soldered force in all abroad".

Belgrade and Paris became the centers of unifying work and preparation of a congress. In September, 1929 the Bulgarian and Yugoslavian unions united in the uniform organization which received the name of National Union of the Russian Youth abroad (NSRM).

Similar national groups of number of emigrant youth were formed also in other countries of the Russian resettlement. Subsequently many of them joined NSRM. Such groups arose in France, Poland, Czechoslovakia, the Baltics and China. They were organized and in the certain cities, areas and areas.

In January, 1930 the Society of the Russian National Youth in Prague under the leadership of K.D. Vergun which became the SNRM Prague group was formed. In 1931 in the Prague group which consisted of four people at this time (K.D. Vergun is a chairman, I. Gorokhlinsky, D.V. Brunst and N.M. Sergeyev), the "monarchic" group from Moravian Trzhbov, under the leadership of G.Ya. Gandzyuk joined [6].

This group arose in 1926 among pupils of the Russian gymnasium. Its "monarchic" orientation was quite conditional, the unity was only in rejection of the communistic and socialist ideas. Understanding the full inexperience in policy, the group tried to communicate and join in the fighting right organization Brotherhood of the Russian Truth (BRT).

Without having refused political activity, members of the group began to look for the ways of fight other than the senior generation, according to them, guilty of the tragedy of Russia. The idea of the Russian nationalism was the closest idea for young people. The youth group of the Russian nationalists in Moravian Trzhbov was made by 7 grammar-school boys schoolmates. It had the characteristic features inherent in most of youth nationalist groups. Let's consider them.

Causes of group:

a) pushing away from the Bolshevism and draft "home" — to Russia;

b) the aspiration to find feasible application for the forces;

c) feeling of live communication with Russia and sense of responsibility for its destiny.

Work of group consisted in fight against the Bolshevism within the walls of a gymnasium. The pupils and teachers sympathizing the Bolshevism with whom "ideological war" was waged came to light.

A long time they had no communication with other groups of similar political focus.

By 1931 many members of "Trzhbovsky group", having ended a gymnasium, moved to Prague where through the member of SNRM Sergej Tillie established relation with the SNRM Prague group and actively got into its gear. Three years later the number of the Prague office about 20 people contained.

on March 2, 1930 the group in Paris arose. Then NSRM in France under the chairmanship of B.B. Kondratyev was officially registered.

From July 1 to July 5, 1930 in the Russian officer meeting in Belgrade there took place the I congress of representatives of groups and the unions of the Russian national youth which officially and is considered NSRM basis moment. In a congress heads of the unions of national youth took part in Yugoslavia (V.M. Bai-dalakov), France (the duke S.N. Leykhtenbergsky and F.I. Bostr), Bulgaria (A.A. Browner, M.A. Pavlov), Holland (representative V.S. Tregubov) and also nine representatives of the Yugoslavian offices of the Russian Union of National Youth.

participants of a congress approved ideological provisions of the new organization and its temporary charter is adopted.

Ideological provisions expressed the point of view of the Union for the current work and on final national political goals. They included the following positions:

"Understanding Russia not only as certain territorial and state whole, but also as set of the national and original ideas, cultural and household values; service of Russia as implementation, protection and development of these ideas and values; the state as a difficult living organism in which interests private are harmoniously connected with common interests — we consider that the state system of Russia has to be constructed on the basis of the Russian nationalism, strong legality, private

property and freedom of personal creativity consecrated with the religious and moral beginning and state interests.

Revival of great Russia has to proceed in firm coordination with continuity of historical development of Russia, with clear account both advantages and merits, and mistakes and shortcomings of the past, as well as the present fact, however without worship for the last.

Proceeding from stated, we consider necessary:

1) establishment of the firm central power which is above parties and classes, deriving the strength in the idea of service of Russia and got by consciousness of the responsibility to Rodina;
2) establishment of personal liberty, equalities of all before the law and lack of class and class privileges as main conditions of personal and social progress and creation of cultural and material values;
3) carrying out in foreign policy of healthy national egoism, concerning Slavic peoples continuation of traditional policy of Russia sent to perhaps closer cultural politically to a unification of Slavs;
4) granting to the nationalities which are a part of Russia, possibility of broad national and cultural independence;
5) permission of the land question by creation of the strong small farmer owner as major public and economic factor, with respect for state interests;
6) establishment of freedom of the economic relations able to be limited only for the benefit of the state; in particular, in the field of relationship of work and the capital, maintaining by the state the active policy directed to a regulation of these relations and to protection of economically weak population groups".

In the resolution of a congress it was noted that after liberation of Russia from communists the immediate tasks of the Union are subject to change in connection with a situation, but at inviolability of ideological provisions. Entered paramount tasks of the Union:

"The first task: for implementation of our final political aspirations the foremost task is work on liberation of Russia from the power of the III International. For this purpose we consider useful and necessary the widest unification and coordination of actions with all by the organizations which are actively combating communism, groups and persons, irrespective of their political outlook.

The second task: preparation strong will, working capacity and knowledge of Faithful sons of Russia and selection from them of the people capable to sacrificial service to the homeland and the management of masses daring for the idea to undertake guidance and responsibility.

The third task: the most vigorous activity directed to national politically education of the Russian youth and every possible counteraction to the outlined its denationalization".

On July 4 the temporary charter of NSRM was approved and the leading and executive bodies are chosen. The management of the international departments of the Union, according to the decision of a congress, began to be carried out by periodically gathering council consisting of representatives of all countries, for one from everyone headed by the chairman of department of the Union in France duke S.N. Leykhtenbergsky. V.M. Baydalakov (chairman of IB), A.I. Zankevich and M.N. Hlopin were elected to executive body (Executive bureau) which has to perform all tactical and technical work.

From this point ideological unity of the Russian beloemigrantsky youth of all countries, and then its organizational registration in peripheral bodies of NSRM - departments (over the countries) and offices (on the cities) became a paramount task of governing bodies of the organization. For this purpose the decision of the I congress, and subsequently various printed materials was sent to all Unions of national youth existing at departments of the Russian General and Military Union (RGMU), and youth circles. The significant role in promotion of the ideas of NSRM was assigned to public statements in various emigrant audiences.

Advocacy work and with the citizens of the Soviet Union arriving abroad was conducted. "the Antwerp work" which was conducted in the late thirties can be an example of such activity. Work came down to conversations with the Soviet sailors from the vessels coming to Antwerp port, supply with their allied literature and a zabrosk of printed materials in the USSR. The active member of the Belgian department D.D. Dorogan supervised this work. Except advocacy work, on "the Antwerp group" there was assignment a task of collecting intelligence information for the French General Staff. the questionnaire containing the questions interesting the General Staff was transferred to Dorogan by the member of the Bulgarian department of NSRM D.M. Zavzhalov. Contact with the French authorities was kept directly through the chairman of the French department Poremsky.

Representatives of seven countries (on December 25-28, 1931) participated in the second congress of NSRM in Belgrade: Belgium (M.D. Karatayev), Bulgaria (F.A. Melnik), Czechoslovakia (K.D. Vergun), Poland (A.E. Vyurgler), Lithuania (Ya. Fedorov), Yugoslavia (M.A. Georgiyevsky). France was represented by the chairman of the Union S.N. Leykhtenbergsky [2].

At a congress among others the report "Expansion of a framework of the Union" in which it was emphasized that the Union turned not just into the organization was read, and became the new, porevolyutsionny spiritual and political phenomenon. In it it was noted: "New in it what in a new way, is obsessed and uncompromisingly it gives itself(himself) to service of Russia, selecting and creating new set of her faithful fighters. New in it and the fact that he in a new way approves personal responsibility of each of us and in a new way imposes requirements to itself... In service of the nation his members see a debt of the life,

the love for the country is felt by them not only as patriotism, but also as aspiration to achievement of the highest ideals of mankind. Because within the nation, the Union believes, can be, and sore points of the present" will be resolved [5].

At a congress reports on work of departments of the Union were also heard and the so-called political diploma which study was obligatory for each member of the Union and also again joining the organization is developed and approved. Studying "political diploma" passed across the line of kruzhkovy classes and individual preparation. After its study and examination to the commissions which are specially created by chairmen of departments and offices, entering became full members of NSRM. Up to this point they were considered as member employees.

At the II Congress also the name of the Union was changed. From this point it began to be called as the national Union of New Generation (NUNG).

New point - age limit also was entered into the Charter of National Union of New Generation. Now could only come to the Union been born after 1895, that is those who at the beginning of World War I were no more than nineteen years old. Exceptions were allowed, but only according to the decision of Executive bureau. The age limit, according to members of the Union, had to protect the organization from "sins and prejudices of the past", that is from influence of old party figures on whom the blame in the tragedy of Russia was partly laid.

One of the main reasons for pushing away from practice of "seniors" was formulated in the first brochure of "A full course of the national and political preparation" which came out at the beginning of 1932 under the name "Emigration Errors, Its Present Provision and Our Debt". At the beginning of the brochure it was given due to the great job done by emigration. However emigration contradictions were noted further. They were that emigrants, on the one hand, dream of homecoming, and with another - are fixed abroad "seriously and for a long time" that the emigrant leaders who are soothingly repeating that "we are obliged to fulfill the duty - to keep our culture even are right to develop it and to train new generations, transferring them cultural traditions". If Russia is not freed from communistic dictatorship, then both our traditions, and our culture will gradually die both in the homeland, and abroad: in the homeland of them will change materialistic lack of culture over time, and in emigration future generations will become non-russian sooner or later. Therefore our prime duty - fight against those who seized power in our country. One of the main illnesses of emigration - evasion from personal participation in fight. This illness is followed by others: a hope that liberation of Russia will come true wonderfully by itself; hope that communistic dictatorship will be overthrown by means of foreigners; belief in "turn of a wheel of history". And lack of belief in себя" [5].

The question of development of the action program of NSNP, in

was one of the major subjects at this congress

the first stage - the organization in the territory of the USSR of cells of NSNP and insurgent groups for overthrow of the Soviet power and establishment in Russia of a political system on the basis of "solidarizm". However in a final version this program was adopted only at the III congress of the Union which was taking place on April 15-19, 1934 in Belgrade.

Actually work on development and realization power or acts of terrorism though at the I Congress, at discussion of tactics of NTSNP, it was recognized began

from now on and application of terror in fight against the Soviet power is accepted necessary. And in this direction all work on education of members of NSNP was also organized.

Just as ROVS, BRP and other right organizations, NSNP at the beginning and the middle of the 1930th years considered terror one of successful methods of fight against the Bolshevism. About it in October, 1933 V. Bai-dalakov wrote: "High words about Russia became boring and hypocritical. At us, new generation, they cause bitterness the irresponsibility. Some can nowadays only save, escape and win - urgent action. The fate of Russia will be changed by heroes. Those who, without looking around, without waiting, safely it is also proud will throw themselves into action" [3].

In 1933 in Paris the white officer V.A. Larionov created the Circle of the White Idea which subsequently entered NSNP. Same year its branch in Nice where then several thousands of Russians lived was founded. The number of a circle was about 10 people aged from 15 up to 30 years. On the private apartment nearly an every week there took place meetings of kruzhkovets at which reports on ideology of the White movement, need of continuation of the fight begun in Civil war, made by members of the group were read. Speakers and from other places were invited. So, in 1933 B.P. Levitsky and N.N. Lvov, and in August of the 1934th — specially arrived four speakers of NSNP, including the chairman of Department of NSNP in France V.D. Poremsky spoke at meetings of a circle of the White Idea. At this meeting the decision to enter NSRM and to form Nizzky office of the Union was also made. After association with NSRM advocacy work of Nizzky office in the environment of the Russian emigration gained broader development. So, on November 4, 1935 members of office arranged "day of irreconcilability" on which there were more than hundred people. The main slogans of activity of that period became: "To serve Russia — to forget yourself", "Make what you wait from others for", "Bolshevizanstvo in emigration — treason of Russia", etc. to. to this time the number of Nizz-kogo of office was 12 people. The similar group as a part of 8 people worked also in Cannes [6].

On April 15, 1934 the III congress of NSNP was open. Its Council consisted of the following persons: chairman of the Board and Executive bureau V.M. Baydalakov, A.A. Bra-uner, K.D. Vergun, A.E. Vyurgler, secretary general of Executive bureau M.A. of St. George,

D.M. Zavzhalov, K.I. Konovalov, M.D. Pepeskul, M.N. Hlopin.

V.M. Baydala-kov was elected the chairman of a congress. He read the first paper in which he emphasized: "The union turned into the movement". At this moment of group of the Union existed in fifteen countries of the Abroad - in Europe, in the Far East, in Australia.

Adoption of the new charter which had obviously expressed authoritative character and which was bringing together the organization with popular at that time fascist, and national socialist movements became one of the most important moments of work of a congress. In this regard M.A. Georgiyevsky wrote: "The discipline and authoritativeness became the slogan of the modern political organizations. The organizations which proved the firmness (fascists, national socialists) are constructed on the principle of the consecutive, from top to bottom carried-out submission. They were under construction for fight against militant communism. Its successful implementation, justified the principle, created final authority and popularity of these of the fighting, in essence, organizations".

Within the 1920th years the new generation of Russians abroad grew. Views of these young people strongly differed from views of their parents. Born at the turn of the century, they in the childhood or youth learned horrors of revolution and civil war. some cadets and grammar-school boys were at war in white armies and saw enough such things from which even those who were more senior went crazy and are more skilled.

hating the Bolshevism, these young emigrants, nevertheless, were deprived of nostalgic attachment peculiar to the senior generation to pre-revolutionary life forms. They respected the monarchy, but did not wish to deal with monarchists, including their the relics which had the time. They admired

some aspects of socialist exercises, but despised socialist emigrants, believing that those wallowed in theoretical disputes. They were eager for action. They looked around in search of something dynamic, some real counteraction to the Bolshevism [4] around.

Thus, on formation of political culture of the younger generation of the Russian emigration in 1920-1930goda, the civil war in Russia and participation in white fight against the Bolshevism had significant effect. The national, white idea around which there is an association of beloemigrantsky youth in National Union of the Russian Youth transformed in 1931 to NSNP became the driving idea for youth in emigration. Irreconcilability to the Bolshevism, the aktivivizm, a nadpar-tiynost, a nepredreshenchestvo became the ideological platform of the new organization.

list of references

1. A.B. Arsenyev. At a bend of Danube: essays of life and activity of Russians in a new Garden / under edition

V.B. Kudryavtseva. M.: Russian way, 1999. Page 142.

2. V.M. Baydalakov. Yes Russia will become famous. Yes our names perish... Memoirs of the chairman of NTS of 19301960 M., 2002. Page 10.
3. Warsaw V.S. Unnoticed generation. New York.: Publishing house of Chekhov, 1956. Page 24, 2526, 98.
4. Stefan D. Russian fascists: the tragedy and the farce in emigration. 1925-1945. M.: "Word", 1992. Page 50.
5. Ya. Trushnovich. Preparation, the first steps and the first losses//"Crops" of 1990. No. 4. Page 115-116, 117.
6. Emigration and repatriation in Russia. V.A. Iontsev, N.M. Lebedeva, M.V. Nazarov, A.V. Okorokov. M.: Guardianship about needs of the Russian repatriates, 2001.

C. 415, 416.

UDC 947.084.3

goods and the prices in the Soviet Russia in 1917-1921 (on materials of Central Volga area)

A.V. TISHKINA

Penza state pedagogical university of V.G. Belinsky department of national history

Goods and the prices in the Soviet Russia during civil war were closely connected with food policy of Bolsheviks. Its basis was formed by grain monopoly of the state (ban of private trade, establishment of fixed prices of products, etc.). This measure caused disagreements both in the center, and on places. In article carrying out grain monopoly on average the Volga region is described, comparisons of fixed and market prices of products are given. Besides, the attention to significant increase in the prices in comparison with the pre-revolutionary period, their ratio with the salary of some categories of citizens is paid. In the conditions of deficiency of industrial output in the village the principle of commodity exchange of the industry and agriculture had to be continuation of grain monopoly. Failures and shortcomings of its realization are shown in article carrying out this principle in the Penza, Samara and Simbirsk provinces. The conclusion is drawn that fixed prices and goods stimulated peasants to delivery of bread to the state a little. Thus, materials of article represent position of the population and the policy of the authorities in the conditions of a lack of goods and significant increase in the prices, allow to compare them to modern economic problems of the Russian Federation.

Now security problems on - mo to address historical analogies. To chastnos-settlements goods of domestic production, growth ti, to experience of a transition period of civil war, the prices are relevant. In this regard neobkhodi-when growth of market prices of products and goods put

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