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About BACKGROUND of the VOLYNSK EARTH (VI beginning of the 10th century) 1

maksy ZhIH

About BACKGROUND of the VOLYNSK EARTH (VI - the beginning of the 10th century) 1

In Galitsky and Volynsk lands in domongolsky time there were, as we know, some of the main city-states of Ancient Rusi2. However their emergence was preceded by the long period of development of East Slavic pre-state and prenational socio-political associations in the specified regions. Ethnopolitical development took place in future Galitsky earth rather quietly: from 6th century and up to formation of the Galitsky earth lived horvaty3, created powerful ethnopolitical association here - Great Croatia as Konstantin of Bagryanorodnyy4 calls it.

North of Great Croatia - in future Volynsk earth there were powerful ethnopolitical associations of east Slavic peoples too, but here their development took place more discretely that generated confusion in sources and, as a result, - extremely contradictory historiography. To retell it here we do not see sense as a set of hypothetical concepts of background of the Volynsk earth confused a research of this question rather, than promoted its decision. Therefore, in our opinion, it is better to approach a problem directly ad yeyt, without paying attention to numerous contradicting each other and often anything the supported historiographic constructions.

"The story of temporary years", speaking about background of this region, demonstrates that at first here lived "to the buzhena, Zahn of a sedosh across Bug, a poslezha velynyane5; duleb to a zhivyakh across Bug, where nowadays velynya - not" 6.

If to follow its text literally, then it turns out that duleba and the buzhena are names of the ancient Slavic ethnopolitical associations existing once where nowadays - at the time of the chronicler

>- are volynyane7. The chronicle helps to shed light and on the reason of disappearance of duleb and change of their volynyanama, saying that "V si zhe of a vremyan (at the time of the Byzantine emperor Irakli (610-641) - M.Zh.), a bysh and Aubree (Avars - M.Zh.), the Izh of a hodish on Irakli of the tsar and not Jascha is not enough of it. Si zhe Aubree to Voyevakh on a word-nekh and a primuchisha of a duleba, real slovena and violence to a tvoryakh

to wives dulebskim: if poyekhat to a budyasha to an objrin, not a dadyasha of a vjpryacha of a horse, ox, whether but the Vilesh vjpryach 3, whether 4, whether 5 zhen in the cart and stories of an objrin and taka to a muchakh duleby8. Byst bo to an objra telom and mind of a gorda, and Bog consume velits I, and a pomrosha of a vsa, and not ostasya edin objrin. Also there is a pritjcha in Russia to this day: a pogibosha like an obra; ikh nest tribe nasledjk" 9.

Here the author of this annalistic fragment retold, most likely, some Slavic epic legend on war between Avars and duleba 10 in which Avars are allocated with lines of the mythical giants preceding settling of the earth by ordinary people that speaks about it very deep drevnosti11. During this war the Slavs were beaten, and conquerors assigned to them a yoke - so in Ancient Russia the oppression and violence, and originally - most likely were designated, at the time of avro-dulebsky war - "a yoke, volovya a harness" 12 in which conquerors harnessed dulebsky women.

V.Ya. Petrukhin and D.S. Rayevsky truly, in our opinion, note about it that "probably, in the chronicle we deal with fragments of the "agricultural" epos where epic enemies use women as draft animals, imposing on them a yoke - "yoke". Custom to take a tribute from a plow - from "ral" (in Ancient Russia and other early Slavic states - M.Zh.) - supported this value" 13.

L.V. Voytovich quite reasonably, in our opinion, dates this avro-dulebsky war of 561-562 14 After it the dulebsky union broke up, and a part of duleb went on the West - to the Czech Republic and Poland where it is well-known for a row istochnikov15. The last circumstance induced some researchers to carry an annalistic legend of avaro-dulebsky war to West Slavic duleba and to see in it reflection them eposa16, or to duleba pannonskim17. In our opinion, these constructions neosnovatelny18. Slavic legends about avro-dulebs-which to war - the general for all branches of duleb - belong by then which preceded disintegration of their unity. And they remained both at east, and at West Slavic dulebov19.

The fate of early medieval duleb was, to a certain extent, similar to the fate of the Croats, next to them: one of the most ancient Slavic ethnopolitical objedineniy20, it was crushed during the Avarian invasion and broke up, and a considerable part of Croats left on zapad21 where subsequently took part in the Czech and Polish ethnogenesis. But, unlike Croats, duleba after the Avarian defeat did not manage to keep a dominant position in the initial region of the accommodation, and they concede a leading place on Volhynia to volynyana what speak given above annalistic about

certificates. At the same time a part of duleb remains on the place, though loses the former political value. At the beginning of the X century the chronicle mentions occurrence them in Oleg's army at his campaign on Konstantinopol22. Also there are no sufficient bases to consider this annalistic certificate book and nedostovernym23. It reflects ideas of the chronicler of existence at that time - at the beginning of the X century - East Slavic duleb and about maintaining by them of a certain ethnopolitical unity and value. Fixing of their epos on the pages "Stories of Temporary Years" also testifies to the same.

Near volynyana places duleb as their contemporaries in the middle of the X century and al-Mas'Udi: "After this it is (behind "sort" of century of a linan - a volynyanama - M.Zh.) from childbirth the expert-sakaliba (Slavs

>- M.Zh.) Istbrana, and presently their tsar is called B. Saklya-ikh (B. Saklabdzh). And the sort named by D. of a lavn (duleba - M.Zh). Call their tsar Vandzh Alyaf (Vaikh Slaf) (it is allocated by me - M.Zh.)" 24.

Here it is, however, very difficult to tell whether there is in this fragment a speech about East Slavic duleba or about zapadnoslavyanskikh25. As it is impossible to tell with confidence and that data al-Mas'Udi about century of a linan and of a lavn go back to a uniform source and are synchronous. Data of this Arab author about Volynsk and - are wider - about Slavic ethnoses and political associations in general need still further an in-depth and comprehensive investigation.

But, anyway, according to the chronicle, in the region after defeat by Avars of duleb come to the forefront to the volynena. However it is not followed by any change of the material culture of the region which allowed to speak about arrival of some new population. On the contrary, in U_-І the X centuries we see on Volhynia consecutive development of material culture from the Prague korchakovskoy to onions-raykovetsky, and the second evolutionarily grows up from pervoy26. Any signs of change of the population or just arrival to the region of some new ethnic groups not obnaruzhivayetsya27. Therefore, in our opinion, the most convincing explanation of ethnopolitical changes in the region is L.V. Voytovich's thought according to which "this territory (Volhynia - M.Zh.) was populated with, at least, four-five related tribes which periodically made the political associations carrying names by name the tribe predominant force" 28. In other words, on Volhynia another was put one slaviniya29 in the forefront. And, if duleba were the first predominant forces on Volhynia, then after their defeat by Avars the superiority in the region passes to volynyanam30.

Fortunately, about them we have not only semi-legendary data which are written down in "Stories of temporary years" as it took place from duleba, but also data of east sources which are written down early enough and independent of East Slavic tradition. Certainly, their interpretation cannot be still recognized as up to the end satisfactory especially as they acquired a huge historiography which often confused business rather, than cleared up it. Al-Mas'U-di (mind. apprx. 956/957 g) in the "Gold mines and scatterings of semi-precious stones" 31 (apprx. 947 g) reports: "And these & lt; язычники> are divided into different childbirth: from them a sort which from an extreme antiquity had a statehood. They had a tsar who was called Madzhk (Madzhl). And this sort is called century of a linan. In the ancient time this sort was followed by other childbirth the expert-sakaliba (Slavs - M.Zh.) & lt; on sense: this sort is most notable from the expert-sakaliba since at them for the first time appeared государственность> as at them & lt; century линана> there was a tsar, and other their tsars submitted to him (it is allocated by me - M.Zh.)".

And further: "And the expert-sakaliba is a lot of childbirth and versions. This our book is not suitable for the description all of them versions and their various branchings. Earlier we mentioned news of the tsar to which all their tsars in the ancient time submitted, and this is Madzhk & lt; царь> century of a linan. And this sort one root from roots & lt; i.e. one of main династий> the expert-sakaliba esteemed in their labor. And it goes at them from antiquity. Then there were disagreements between their childbirth, and their order & lt disappeared; иерархия>. And their childbirth became hostile each other. The tsar of each their sort is a tsar as we mentioned, from their tsars, for the reason about which long to tell (it is allocated by me - M.Zh.)" 32.

The similar story is also at Ibrahim Ibn Ja'kuba al-Israili at-Turtushi (up to 912/913 - after 966) - the Jewish merchant from Tortosa who visited in 965 g 33 Slavic lands in Central Europe, to be exact - most likely - the Czech Republic and lands obodritov34. Directly Ibrahim Ibn Ja'kuba's composition did not reach us, but the extracts from it which are contained in compositions of later authors remained: al-Bekri (11th century), al-Nimariga (11th century), al-Kazvini (13th century), ibn Said (13th century) 35. However, the name volynyan at Ibrahim Ibn Ja ‘-a cube sounds a little differently, than at al-Mas'Udi - Wlinb’b, and a name of his governor - Maha36. For the rest they practically coincide.

The question of with what Slavic ethnopolitical association to connect these news of the Arab sources, caused a big controversy. They were tried to be connected with the Pomor city of Volinom37. However this hypothesis is absolutely groundless: in Pomorze there was no nickname -

whom Slavic "tribe" with similar nazvaniyem38, and Volin becomes the considerable economic and political center only from the second half, especially since the end of the X century though arose, judging by the latest data, in the first half of the 9th century 39 Thus, blossoming of this city began after the composition al-Mas'Udi40 was written. And we have no sufficient bases in order that udrevnyat its history as considerable economic and political center and to carry it to times which preceded writing considered east istochnikov41. Even more не-лепо42 the identification of Slavic ethnopolitical association of these Arab news with Great Moravia which was also offered issledovatelyami43 as it is absolutely any especially as at al-Mas'Udi Great Moravia is called under own imenem44. A.Ya. Garkavi is so groundless, in our opinion, identified in one of the works of century a linana al-Mas'Udi with Valakhiyey45. Identification called at al-Mas'Udi and Ibrahim Ibn Ja'kuba of the Slavic people from veletami-lyuticha, possible, according to some scientists, from positions Arab grafiki46 was offered. However and it is not represented osnovatelnym47. There are no bases to say that lyutich once predominated over a certain considerable Slavic ethnopolitical association, raspavshimsya48 subsequently. And for the East European volynyan it is confirmed by archaeological materials what below still it will be told about. And about the strong princely power at lyutichy and about existence at them ever such great governor as about what our authors speak it is also not known from others istochni-kov49, and meanwhile "tribe" it is described in them very in detail. And even moreover: sources as vostochnye50, and West euros-peyskiye51, according to speak about absence at lyutichy strong princely vlasti52. As for the konjektura allowing to interpret the Slavic people called at our authors as velet, it is artificial and not having sufficient osnovaniy53. D.E. Mishin tried to identify V. to a linan al-Mas'Udi and Ibrahim Ibn Yaqub's Wlinb’b recently with veneta which at Jordan (6th century) act as ancestors of all Slavic narodov54. However this assumption also hardly thoroughly: in any other sources, except very early composition of Jordan, veneta as ancestors of all Slavic ethnoses (or their any considerable part) do not appear. In later concerning the composition of Jordan the western sources of a venetama (Windows) only the certain group of Slavs, 55 is always called and there is no hint even on the fact that

once they (veneta) dominated over other Slavs or had in the ancient time the considerable political association.

Crucial importance in a question of where whether-nana V. al-Mas'Udi settled down - on Volhynia or on the Baltic Pomorze (in Volin or in the earth lyutichy) - has, in our opinion, consideration of a context of this news, that is "the Slavic story" al-Mas'Udi in general and definition of about what region of Eastern Europe he tells. In this region it is also necessary to look for, in our opinion, V. to a linan. The attempts of its localization stated above were, in effect, any as were not guided by the complete analysis of a geographical system of "the Slavic story" al-Mas'Udi.

In the context of the message about V. al-Mas'Udi lists to the linena a number of Slavic "childbirth" which it is quite sure - in the presence of the separate debatable moments - are localized in Central East and partly by Southern Europe56. This localization is confirmed also by the note of the Arab author preceding the story about V. the linena according to whom "at them (Slavs - M.Zh.) tsars, and some of them profess Christianity of yakobitsky sense (nestoriansko-go)" 57. It is quite real for Slavs of Central Eastern Europe, but is absolutely unreal for the Baltic Slavs.

Further al-Mas'Udi mentions a certain Slavic governor: "And the first of tsars expert-sakaliba tsar hell-dayr & lt; spiritual center, location of the temple ас-сакалиба>. And it has big cities and numerous settlements. And Muslim dealers come to the capital of its possession with various goods (it is allocated by me - M.Zh.)" 58.

A name of this Slavic "tsar" - hell-dayr59 many scientists read how it is scarlet - Deere and compared, respectively, with annalistic Dirom60. Were offered from time to time and other options of its reading and otozhdestvleniya61. D.E. Mishin, having fairly rejected earlier offered options - including and identification with annalistic Deere

>- as it is perfect neobosnovannye62, suggested to consider this name recently Almusha63 distorted by a name of the governor of the Volga Bulgaria whom ibn-Fadlan calls in the composition Malik the expert-saka-liba - "the sovereign of Slavs" 64. However such identification not more convincing at all moving forward earlier and fairly rejected by D.E. Mishin.

As showed to E.S. Galkina65 recently, this "name" of the Slavic governor should be read and interpreted as "& lt; правитель> the spiritual center, the location of the temple the expert-sakaliba" that takes away all earlier offered his identifications. It suggested the researcher an idea that hell-dayr is one of governors Baltic sla-

vyan, well-known the hramami66. But it is hardly right: al-Mas'Udi says that in the capital of this Slavic governor there arrive "Muslim dealers with various goods" that is absolutely unreal for the governor of the Baltic Slavs. Words al-Mas'Udi, told them about the Slavic governor, next about hell-dayr, are even more eloquent: "After this the tsar (for "tsar" hell-dayr - M.Zh.) from tsars the expert-sakaliba tsar al-Avandzh & lt; avandzh - народ> (tsar al-Ifrandzh). And he has cities and extensive settlements, and several troops, numerous. And he is at war with Rhum (Byzantium - M.Zh.) and al-Ifrandzh (francs - M.Zh.) both An-nukbard, and other people. And war between them goes with variable success (it is allocated by me - M.Zh.)" 67.

Without pressing in a problem of attribution of this Slavic pravitelya68, we will note that to be at war with Rhum, that is Byzantium, the governor of the Baltic Slavs could not in any way. It forces to look for its possession somewhere within reach of Byzantium - that is in Central East or more likely - Southern Europe.

Further al-Mas'Udi says

that "after this the tsar (for "tsar" al-Avandzh - M.Zh.) from tsars the expert-sakaliba the tsar tyurkov69 (that is vengrov70 whom our author mistakenly refers to Slavs) and this sort (Hungarian Turkic peoples - M.Zh.) the most beautiful appearance from the expert-sakaliba both the most numerous and the most efficient and lt; стойкий>" 71.

It suggests an idea that two previous Slavic governors should be looked for somewhere in the neighbourhood with Hungarians that will completely be coordinated with data al-Mas'Udi that in the capital of one of them Muslim merchants trade, and the second is at war with Vizantiyey72.

Thus, summing up told, we see that all context of the story al-Mas'Udi about V. of a linan is connected with Central East Europoy73 bordering on Hungary, possession of francs and Byzantium. Exactly here, and at all not on the Baltic Pomorze, it is also necessary to look for

Century to a linan.

V.'s identification a linana al-Mas'Udi and Ibrahim Ibn Ja'kuba's Wlinb’b with East European volynyanami74 is represented today most ubeditelnym75. This identification is confirmed also by the unique message of "The Bavarian geographer" - the anonymous monument created as showed A.V. Nazarenko, in the Swabian monastery Raykhenau in the 70th of the 9th century - during finding of Mefodiy there with the pupils from whom so detailed information on a set of Slavic (generally) ethnopolitical associations in Central and East Europe76 was received, most likely, by his author. In this source govo-

it ritsya: "Serivana - it the kingdom [is so big] that from it there were all Slavic people and conduct, according to them, [the] beginning" 77.

The most convincing is the explanation of this name - a se-rivana (2epuash) - from glories. * Sgu) ape78 - the chervena that says that "kingdom" (gegnum) it should be placed in the area letopisnykh79 Chervensky gradov80 - that is on Volyni81. The semantic parallel of both stories - al-Mas'Udi and Ibrahim Ibn Ja'kuba on the one hand and "The Bavarian geographer" - with another - is full: both there and there it is told about existence at Slavs in the past of a certain considerable ethnopolitical association from which there are many Slavic narody82. And the arrangement this two "the people - primogenitors", though called a little differently in one region, does identity polnym83.

The idea about existence on Volhynia of considerable ethnopolitical association volynyan is represented quite ubeditelnoy84. Only there are no bases to compare it as it often delayetsya85, with the story "Stories of Temporary Years" about avaro-dulebsky war and to consider that Avars broke V. to a linan. The speech in sources goes about the different ethnopolitical associations of east Slavic peoples existing on Volhynia at different times. If the dulebsky union was broken in the middle of the 6th century by Avars and broke up, having lost the value, then union volynyan arose later and succeeded kind of a dulebsko-m to the union. It is the quite so most logical to understand words "Stories of Temporary Years" 86.

To date lifetime of the ethnopolitical union volynyan about which speak al-Mas'Udi, Ibrahim Ibn Ja'kub and "The Bavarian geographer", proceeding only from their data, very difficult. Al-Mas'Udi speaks about it, as about existing "in an extreme antiquity". Does not contain the dating signs news of "The Bavarian geographer" (except for the top date - date of drawing up the source - the 70th of the 9th century).

Here the archeology which materials completely confirm messages of our written sources comes to the rescue (and also prove correctness of Volynsk attribution of the ancient Slavic ethnopolitical association called in them): in VIII-

To IX centuries from an area of onions-raykovetsky culture allocate a number of local cultures from which cultures annalistic volynyan, Drevlyans, dregovichy, polyan87 grow. This archaeological picture, most likely, reflected the process of disintegration of the ethnopolitical union headed volynyanami88, described by our sources.

In literature tried to identify the identity of the Slavic prince Madzhk (Madzhl) more than once - the governor V. of a linana. Him tried to identify with Mezamirom89 or Musokiyem90 - the Slavic governors of the 6th century famous for the Byzantine sources, with the Polish king Mieszko I (960-992)91, with bible Meshekhom92, with legendary drevneserbsky pravitelem93, Samo94, even with Karl Velikim95 under whose supervision of the power a number of Slavic ethnoses was. However such identifications are groundless: part of them - with, Mieszko I, Charles the Great, etc. - owing to the fact that the speech in a source, apparently, nevertheless goes about future Volynsk earth, and a part - with Mezamir, Musoky, etc. - also owing to rather late existence of the union volynyan, shown above. And besides all these identifications suffer from randomness: their authors actually ignore the fact that Madzhk (Madzhl) is called in a source the governor of Slavic "sort" V. of a linan, and a context - the story about it which is contained in sources. But similarity of a name in itself of this legendary governor ancient volynyan, strongly distorted in the Arab transfer, with the names of Slavic governors of the early Middle Ages recorded in authentic Byzantine and other sources (Musoky, Mezamir, Mieszko, etc.), very curiously. Nevertheless, to identify it with any particular person famous for other sources, it is not represented vozmozhnym96 yet. Curiously in this case the fact that the parallels recorded in sources to a name of Madzhk (Madzhl) belong mainly to the regions of the Slavic world, neighboring to Volhynia, and validate thus Volynsk localization of V. of a lina-na al-Mas'Udi97.

Despite the disintegration and allocation of a number of new ethnopolitical associations, the Volynsk ethnopolitical union existed until the end of the X century and reserved hegemony on Volhynia. The last period of its history and its entry into structure of Kievan Rus' are beyond already present research.

Except duleb and volynyan in the region lived also to the buzhena, known both from the Russian chronicle, and from "The Bavarian geographer" (Izhash), and they are called there near volynyana ^еШпжяш) as their neighbors and sovremenniki98. Most likely, the buzhena were one of local Slavic ethnopolitical groups on Volhynia. It is difficult to tell about them something more certain.

In "The Bavarian geographer" also some other Slavic ethnopolitical groups living in regione99 are called: thafnezi (Tanya - not), lendizi (landzena) 100, prissani (prisena), 1iso1ape (Luciana), etc. 101 Of other sources we know also about existence tere-

bovlyan102 and other small ethnopolitical groups of Slavic peoples on Volhynia and in next to it regionakh103, but it is almost impossible to tell something about their stories, besides their belonging to the Volynsk massif disputable though they could enter political association under domination volynyan.

As we see, the ethnopolitical map of the Volynsk region during the prestate period of its history was very motley, and here along with big ethnopolitical association - the Volynsk union

>- there was also a set of small slaviniya (most likely, being its part). The question of a ratio of the ethnopolitical map of the region during the prestate period with the cities-gosudarstvami104 which arose here subsequently is very curious and needs an in-depth study.

1. I express huge, sincere gratitude to all those who the councils, remarks and materials assisted me in work on this article: To A.V. Mayorov (St. Petersburg, Russia), E.S. Galkina (Moscow, Russia), P.V. Lukin (Moscow, Russia), L.V. Voytovich (Lviv, Ukraine), M. Par-chevskomu (Krakow, Poland).
2. I.Ya. Froyanov, A.Yu. Dvornichenko. City-states of Ancient Russia. L.,
1988. Page 103 - 156; Mayorov.B. Galitsko-Volynsky Russia: Essays of the socio-political relations during the domongolsky period. Prince, boyars and city community. SPb., 2001.
3. In the second half of the X century, escaping from an impact of Pechenegs, in Top Podne-strovye, belonging to Croats, a part moves catch also tiverets (V.V. Sedov. East Slavs in VI-XSh of centuries M., 1982. Page 128). Croats - together with these immigrants - will also become a basis of the population future alits-which lands.
4. About Great Croatia, ethnogenesis and early history of Croats see in fundamental work of A.V. Mayorov: A.V. Mayorov. Great Croatia: Ethnogenesis and early history of Slavs of the Carpathian region. SPb., 2006.
5. Lavrentyevsky chronicle//Complete collection of the Russian chronicles. T. I. M,
2000. Stb. 11; Ipatyevsky chronicle//Complete collection of the Russian chronicles. T. II. M, 2001. Stb. 8.
6. Lavrentyevsky chronicle. Stb. 12 - 13; Ipatyevsky chronicle. Stb. 9.
7. L. Niderle is true, in our opinion, notes that "the interconnection between these names of tribes is not clear, however all of them, probably, originate in one big, most western Russian tribe which lived between the Western and Southern Bug - in historical Volhynia" (L. Niderle. Slavic antiquities. M, 2000. Page 169).
8. Cf. with the story about oppression by Avars of Slavs in "Fredegar's Chronicle": Arch of the most ancient written news of Slavs. T. II (unitary enterprise - І the X centuries) / Sost.: S.A. Ivanov, Litavrin, V.K. Ronin; Otv. edition of Litavrin. M, 1995. Page 367.
9. Lavrentyevsky chronicle. Stb. 11 - 12; Ipatyevsky chronicle. Stb. 9. The last words of this story, and, in relation to Avars, were told in 923/924 g. The Constantinople patriarch Nikolay Mistik in the message to the Bulgarian tsar Simeon (See: Gedeonov S.A. Varangians and Russia. In 2 parts / the Author of the preface, comments, a biographic essay

of B.B. Fomin. the 2nd prod. M, 2004. Page 319) that, probably, is explained by the fact that they had the nature of "the bible parable" (In the same place. Page 318). However, its application in two cases applicable to Avars is curious. It can demonstrate that the chronicler in the story about Avars could use and Greek (or South Slavic) sources. The same is confirmed also by his story about war of Avars with the emperor Irakli (the siege of Constantinople of 626 g means, apparently). However to build to book sources the story about Avars and duleba entirely is not present the bases (cf.: L.V. Voytovich. East Prikarpatye... Page 8). Apparently, it is the fixing of the national legend (that is the cornerstone of this story national legend, speak the legends which remained at the western Slavs about Avars, in many respects similar to the annalistic story) "processed" in the spirit of medieval - focused on the Bible - knizhnost.

10. V.O. Klyuchevsky. Course of the Russian history. In 9 t. T. 1. Part I. M, 1987.

C. 123.

11. Curiously, as "in the old Polish tradition the Avars-obry were allocated with shape of antediluvian - prehistoric - giants" (V.Ya. Petrukhin, D.S. Rayevsky. Essays of history of the people of Russia in the ancient time and early Middle Ages. M, 2004. Page 178) that tells about an extreme antiquity of this image and about its ascension by times of existence of uniform ethnopolitical association of duleb which part as a result of the Avarian invasion moved on the West - to the Czech Republic and Poland what below still it will be told about.
12. Zhuravlev.F. Material culture of ancient Slavs according to pras-lavyansky vocabulary//Essays of cultural history of Slavs. M, 1996. Page 143.
13. Petrukhinv. I., RaevskiyD.C. History essays. Page 179.
14. L.V. Voytovich 1) Etnoteritor_alna of a p_dosnov formuvannya ud_lny knyaz_vstvo of Volinsko ї zeml_//Volino-Pod_lsk_ arkheolog_chn_ student і ї. T. 1. Pam'yat_ І. K. Sv¾shn_kova. Lv_v, 1998. Page 286 - 294; 2) East Prikarpatye in the second half І a millennium AD. Initial stages of formation of statehood//Rossica of an ap%i: Researches and materials. 2006 / Otv. edition. A.Yu. of Dvornichen-co, A.V. Mayorov. SPb., 2006. Page 10 - 11. There are no bases to date these events later time - At ІІІ-І the X centuries as it was done, for example, by A.A. Shakhmatov who proved that Avars made a campaign on duleb not during the advance to the West in Pannoniya, and opposite - subsequently from the West on the East - from Pannoniya under pressing of francs (Shakhmatov.A. The most ancient fate of the Russian tribe. Pg., 1919. Page 20). This hypothesis contradicts circumstances of the dulebsky migration which was going west from the East and also historical and geographical realities in which there were Avars and Slavs,

living on Volhynia in the 8-9th centuries: L.V. Voytovich. East Prikarpatye. Page 10 - 11.

15. Niederle L. Slovanske starozitnosti. T. II. Praha, 1906. S. 369 - 370.
16. F. F. To the analysis of east sources about Eastern Europe//the Magazine of the Ministry of national education. 1908. February. Page 394 - 397; Presnyakov of A.E. Knyazhoye right of Ancient Russia. Lectures on the Russian history. Kievan Rus'. M, 1993. Page 264.
17. Kuczynski S.M. Stosunki polsko-ruskiedo schylku wieku XII//Slavia Orientalis. 1958. No. 2. S. 226 - 227; KorolyukV.D. Avars (obra) and duleba of the Russian chronicle//the Arkheografichesky year-book for 1962. M, 1963.
18. Cf.: Froyanov. Ya.K of the history of origin of the Russian state//Froya-novI.Ya. Beginnings of the Russian history. Favourites. SPb., 2001. Page 725. Primech. 44.
19. Absolutely incredibly, in our opinion, that this story having obvious lines of a national legend was included in the Old Russian chronicle if it belonged to any West Slavic "tribe" of duleb. The speech there obviously goes about the East European duleba living "across Bug where nowadays to the ve-lynena". There are no sufficient bases and for construction of this news to a certain reference: L.V. Voytovich. East Prikarpatye. Page 8.
20. Carrying also as well as Croats not Slavic, but foreign-language - most likely, German - the name (M. Fasmer. Etymological dictionary of Russian. T. I. M, 1964. Page 551; O.N. Trubachev. Early Slavic ethnonyms - witnesses of migration of Slavs//Voprosa linguistics. 1974. No. 6. Page 52 - 53) that also indicates extreme - praslavyansky - antiquity of its addition.
21. About toponymic traces of their migration see: LowmianskiH. Poszatki Polski. Warszawa, 1962. T. I. S. 258 - 259.
22. Lavrentyevsky chronicle. Stb. 29; Ipatyevsky chronicle. Stb. 21.
23. L.V. Voytovich 1) Etnoterrsh^alnaya of a tdosnov... Page 286 - 294; 2) East Prikarpatye... Page 7.
24. I use its translation unpublished still executed by and. N, the associate professor of history of faculty of sociology, economy and the right of the Moscow pedagogical state university Elena Sergeyevna of alkiny which kindly provided it to me before the publication. Taking an opportunity, I express it for it the profound gratitude.
25. Cf.: MavrodinV.B. Formation of the Old Russian state. L., 1945. Page 86. The last option seems to some scientists more preferable as the name of their governor Vandzh Alyaf (Vaikh Slaf) can be compared with a name of the Czech king Václav (or Ventseslva, 921-929): Mishin D.E. Sakaliba (Slavs) in the Islamic world in the early Middle Ages. M, 2002. Page 63. At the same time the parallel which is available in "The Bavarian geographer" to the story al-Mas'Udi to century of a linan about which below still it will be told and which is dated the 70th of the 9th century, testifies not in favor of such comparison if to consider information of our author on century of a linan and of a lavn synchronous. Or these two passages in the text al-Mas'Udi go back to sources occurring at different times. The question of of what duleba - east or West Slavic is in this source, remains open.
26. A ram of EL of Arkheologichni of a pam'yatka of the 6-7th centuries on a territor іі Zakh_dna Volin_

>- zazhlivo dzheret to vivchennya l_topisny duleb_v the II Ukra_nsky the _storichny magazine. І969. N ° 4; Rusanova.P. Slavic antiquities of the 6-9th centuries between Dnieper and the Western Bug. M, І973; Sedovv. Century І) East Slavs. Page 90 - І0 І; 2) Old Russian nationality: Historical and archaeological research II V.V. Sedov. Chosen works. M, 2005. Page 4І - 50; Kuch_nk. M І) Material culture of the population of Entre Rios of the Western Bug and Vepr in the 9-13th centuries of the II Research on history of the Slavic and Balkan people: Kievan Rus' and its Slavic neighbors. M, І972; 2) a _storichno-kulturny rozvitok of Zakh_dny Pobuzhzhya in _kh-XIV stol_ttyakh. Lutsk, І993; 3) Naris starodavnyo ї і serednyov_chno ї _stor і ї Volin_. Lutsk, І994; 4) Davnyoruske the ancient settlement the Shaft in Nadstir’ ї. Lutsk, І996; 5) Volinska the earth of X - the middle of H_U of the station Lutsk, 2002; M.M. Kuch_nko, G.V. Okhr_menko Arkheolog_chn_ Volin_'s pam'yatka. Lutsk, І995; Gtosik J. Archeologiczne badania powierchniowe w r. І956 nad Bugem w okolicy Hrubieszowa II Wiadomosci Archeologiczne. T. 26. І959-І 960. Z. 3 - 4. S. 320 - 32 І; Cynkaiowski A. Materialy do pradziejow Wolynia I Polesia Wolynskiego. Warszawa, І96 І; Kuczynski S. Wschodnia granica panstwa polskiego w X wieku przed rokiem 980 II Poczatki panstwa Polskiego. T.1. Poznan, і962. S. 233 - 25 І; SkrzypekJ. Studia nad pierwotnym pograniczem polsko-ruskim w rejonie Wolynia i Grodow Czerwienskich. Warszawa, 1962; NowakowskiA. Gorne Pobuze w wiekach VIII-XI. Zagadnienia kultury. Lodz, 1972; Parczewski M. 1) Poczatki ksztaltowania sie polsko-ruskiej rubiezy etnicznej w Karpatach. U zrodel rozpadu Slowianszczyzny na odlam wschodni i zachodni. Krakow, І99 І; 2) Poczatki sasiedztwa polsko-rusko-slowackiego w swietle danych archeologicznych II Poczatki sasiedztwa.Pogranicze etniczne polsko-rusko-slowackie w sredniowieczu, pod red. M. Parczewskiego i S. Czopka, Rzeszow, І996, Szymanski W. Posag ze Zbrucza i jego otoczenie. Lata badan, lata watpliwosci II Przeglad Archeologiczny. T. 44. Warszawa, 1996. In the same works see characteristic of archaeological culture of this region during the specified period.

27. L.V. Voytovich specifies that "if in the 7-10th centuries in the Volynsk earth there was a change of the population three times, then such change inevitably would find reflection in archaeological material. But nothing was succeeded to find similar" (VoytovichL.B. East Prikarpatye. Page 7).
28. L.V. Voytovich. East Prikarpatye. Page 7, 11 - 12. See also: V.V. Mavro-din. Formation of the Old Russian state. Page 85-86; B.A. Rybakov. Kievan Rus' and Russian principalities of the 12-13th centuries of M., 1982. Page 236 - 237.
29. So the Byzantine authors called ethnopolitical associations of Slavs. See: Litavrin G.G. Slaviniya the 7-9th centuries - the socio-political organizations of Slavs the II G.G. Litavrin Byzantium and Slavs. SPb., 2001. About legitimacy of application of this name to East Slavic ethnopolitical associations of type of Drevlyans, residents of Vyatka, radimichy, etc. see: Gorsky.A. Russia: from Slavic Resettlement to the Moscow kingdom. M, 2004. Page 9 - 19.
30. A hypothesis according to which to the volynena is only a new name of duleb (Baran V.D. Sklav_ni that anti-at sv_tl_ novy arkheolog_chny dzheret the II Problemi pokhodzhennya that _storichny a rozvitka slov'yan. Zb_rnik of sciences. to become. prisv. 100-r_chchyu z day narozhdennya V.P. Petrova. Ki_v; Lv_v, 1997. Page 131 - 132), having appeared -

it lyatsya by groundless. The chronicler clearly divides duleb and volynyan as earlier and later monks of the Volynsk earth (the Lavrentyevsky chronicle. Stb. 11 - 13; Ipatyevsky chronicle. Stb. 8 - 9). More fair, in our opinion, L.V. Voytovich's assumption stated above looks.

31. So recently translated the name of its work D.V. Mikulsky: Abu-l-Hassan ‘Ali ibn Al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali Al-Mas'Udi. Gold mines and scatterings of semi-precious stones [History Abbasidskoy of a dynasty: 749-947] the I Drawing up, translation from Arab, note, comments and D.V. Mikulsky's indexes. M, 2002.
32. E.S. Galkina's translation (see primech. 24). See also: GarkaviA.Ya. Legends by Muslim writers on Slavs and Russians. SPb., 1870. Page 135 - 138; Lewicki T. Swiat slowianski w oczach pisarzy arabskich II Slavia Antiqua. T. 2. Poznan, 1940I1950. S. 355 - 360.
33. This dating is the most convincing: F. F. The comment on Ibrahim Ibn-Yaqub's note on Slavs. SPb., 1903. S. 77 - 78;

Kowalski T. Relasja Ibrahima ibn Jakuba z podrozy do in krajow slowianskich w przekazie Al-Bekrego. Krakow, 1946. S. 40-41; Widajewicz J. Studia nad relacja o Slowianach Ibrahima ibn Jakuba. Krakow, 1946. S. 10 - 14; Kovalevsky.P. Slavs and their neighbors in the first half of the X century according to Al-Masudi II Voprosa of a historiography and source studies of the Slavo-Germanic relations. M, 1973. Page 63; Mishin D.E. Sakaliba. Page 36 - 37, Page 47. Primech. 23.

34. In the same place. Page 37.
35. Cunico. And., V.R. Rosen. News al-Bekri and other authors about Russia and Slavs. - SPb., 1878; Lewicki T. Swiat slowianski. S. 356 - 367.
36. L.V. Voytovich. East Prikarpatye. Page 9.
37. See for example: Charmoy M. Relation de Mas^dy et d’autre auteurs musulmans sur les anciens Slaves. Paris, 1832-1833. S. 84; LowmianskiH. Poszatki Polski.T II. Warszawa, 1964. S. 358.

38. This argument can be parried by a remark that at al-Mas'Udi Slavic "family" of V. the linana is residents of Volin who had to be called "volynyana" too (I thank E.S. Galkina who pointed to me to such opportunity). But, in our opinion, it is impossible to recognize this remark as convincing. At al-Mas'Udi the speech nevertheless goes about "sort", but not about the city. About the city it has no word. Whether he could call Volin's inhabitants by the name of their cities, at the same time without having told a word about the city? It seems to us very doubtful. Doubtful because there are no other similar examples when al-Mas'Udi would call any given Slavic "tribe" by the name of its cities. As there are no others also at

Carl Garcia
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