The Science Work
Site is for sale:
Category: History

The social and political sphere in the USA and group of nationalists (1780th years)

UDK 94 (73)" 1775/1779


Kursk institute of social education


The social and political sphere of the USA of the end of the 18th century, some channels of formation of public opinion and their use by political leaders is considered. Special attention is paid to group of nationalists — direct predecessors of party of federalists. It is shown, that from the very beginning of existence the group tries to fulfill methods of impact on the social and political sphere that became a prerequisite of successful promotional campaigns and allowed nationalists and federalists to win on the party in the beginning, and then to control public opinion of the USA.

The 18th century became time of formation of a new phenomenon — "the obshchestvennopolitichesky sphere". By Yu. Habermas's definition, it is the special political space existing out of control of power structures. In this space there take place political debates, discussion of actions of the government. Here it is formed public mneniye1. The historian A. Yadav pays attention to existence in society of various socio-political spheres: e.g., plebeian or literaturnoy2. Here salons, coffee shops, political clubs, the press, and in America, undoubtedly, space of political meetings and demonstrations and also such institute as conventions, in New England — city meetings and kokusy3 enter. In most cases it is the new phenomena of the age of Enlightenment representing an alternative to traditional structures: to family, church, professional corporations, official political elite. The need for free, informal exchange of the ideas was one of the defining lines stoletiya4.

In America, unlike prosveshchenchesky Europe, some institutes of the social and political sphere were known since colonial times. Such is, for example, tradition of a caucus in Massachusetts. In Boston them was three. Caucuses controlled local elections. The caucus of the Northern end in Boston which was bringing together the members in Spaseniye tavern where the tone was set by J. and S. Adamsa, J. Warren, J. Otis, organized protests against mother country policy at the beginning of the 1770th godov5. In Southern KA -

1 Habermas J. Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft. Darmstadt, 1962. See also: Clark P. Vremya, space and social dialogue: Social changes in the British cities in the 18th century//Social history. Year-book. 1997. M, 1998. Page 265-284; R. Chartier. Cultural sources of the French revolution. M, 2001.
2 Yadav A. Before the Empire of English: Literature, Provinciality, and Nationalism in Eighteenth-Century Britain. N.Y., 2004. River 102.
3 See: Warner M. The Letters of the Republic: Publication and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century America. - Cambridge (Mass.), 1990; Brooke J.L. Ancient Lodges and Self-Created Societies: Voluntary Associations and the Public Sphere in the Early Republic//Launching the & #34; Extended Republic": Federalist Era/Ed. by R. Hoffman and P.J. Albert. Charlottesville, 1996. P. 273-377; Estes T. The Jay Treaty Debate, Public Opinion, and the Evolution of Early American Political Culture. Amherst, 2006.
4 World of Education. The historical dictionary / Under the editorship of V. Ferrone and D. Roche. M, 2003.

Page 259.

5 See about it: Warden G.B. The Caucus and Democracy in Colonial Boston//New England Quarterly. Vol. 43. No. 1 (Mar. 1970). P. 19-45; A.A. Fursenko freedom and human rights in American

M.A. Filimonova. Social and political...


the rolena "Sons of freedom" also used the clubs existing since colonial times: Charlstonsky brotherly society and Charlstonsky fire kompaniyu6. In New York since 1752 there was extremely politized "Vigsky club" at which meetings proposed toasts to Cromwell and Gempdena7.

On the eve of the revolution in the Charleston there were more than 22 different types of societies, and in Philadelphia — 16-208. In the large cities, such as Boston, Philadelphia, New York or the Charleston, since colonial times the network of the "kruzhechny clubs" formed of visitors of any given tavern remained. Not accidentally considerable part of leaders of a revolt of D. Shace in towns of the Western Massachusetts are holders tavern9.

Almost each large American city had own debating clubs, most often in colleges: Society of brothers and Linoniya in Yale, the American society of Whigs in Princeton, societies Filomatikov and Zelosofikov in the Pennsylvanian college. Polemic in similar clubs could concern both literature, and policy. Discussions differed in high intensity of emotions, sometimes leading to quarrels and krovoprolitiyam10.

With the 2nd a floor. the 1780th in America the culture of political salons develops. Salons in the 18th century turn into institute of culture of Education. Their function — the pastime, but also discussion of literary, philosophical, political problems, formation public mneniya11 is not simple.

Also Masonic lodges were a part of the social and political sphere, certainly. The specific Masonic discourse where concepts of "justice", "education", "equality", "brotherhood" prevailed was especially important for formation of revolutionary mentality; the idea peculiar to masons that advance has to be determined by a social ladder by personal merits. An important role in formation of democratic culture was played also by many features of beds: selectivity, submission of minority to the majority, development konstitutsiy12. Masons in North America appeared about 1730. On the eve of the revolution in America 8 Great Beds worked. Some of them as, for example, St. Andrey's beds in Boston, on the eve of the revolution became the centers of crystallization of party of Whigs. Regimental boxes existed in Continental army. Masons were as on the party of Americans, and British. G. Washington, J. Madison, J. Monro entered an award. Masons were 9 of those who signed the Declaration of independence, 11 of those who signed the Constitution of 1787, 33 generals of Continental army. In 1778. The great Pennsylvanian Box organized a procession along a case of entry of Washington into Philadelphia. In 1779 the regimental box "the American Union" operating in Connecticut chastyakh13 organized a similar ceremony.

bourgeois-democratic revolution of the 18th century//Materials 2 symposiums of the Soviet historians-Americanists. M, 1976. Page 250-252; Hun S.K. The Other Ride of Paul Revere: Brokerage Role in the Making of the American Revolution.

6 Brooke J.L. Ancient Lodges and Self-Created Societies. P. 289.
7 Levermore Ch. H. The Whigs of Colonial New York//American Historical Review. Vol.1 (January 1896). P. 242.
8 Clark P. Vremya, space and social dialogue. Page 270.
9 Conroy D.W. In Public Houses: Drink and the Revolution of Authority in Colonial Massachusetts. Chapel Hill, 1995. P. 157-240, 311.
10 Literary history of the United States of America: 3 vol. of M., 1977. Page 172.
11 V.I. Uspenskaya. Women's salons in Europe XV11-XV111 of centuries.; Branson S. These Fiery Frenchified Dames: Women and Political Culture in Early National Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 2001. P. 125-143.
12 World of Education. Page 263, 276-277.
13 Brooke J.L. Ancient Lodges and Self-Created Societies: Voluntary Associations and the Public Sphere in the Early Republic//Launching the & #34; Extended Republic": Federalist Era/Ed. by Ronald Hoffman and Peter J. Albert. Charlottesville, 1996. P. 288-293; Freemasonry. Mn., 2002. Page 386-389; Ridley J. Frimasona. M, 2007. Page 113-136.
48 SCIENTIFIC SHEETS of SS No. 10 (50)2008

the Group of nationalists — supporters of strengthening of the central power, developed at the beginning of the 1780th years, could use already existing tradition in own purposes. Their leaders tried to provide mobilization of public opinion in support of the program.

Revolution generated a set of the new societies which also became a part of the social and political sphere of America. On the eve of the War of independence it were various associations of Whigs - the Boston "Right nine"; correspondent societies; committees of vigilance and, of course, well-known "Sons of freedom" 14. By 1780th years their most part already broke up. However nationalists and politicians, close to them, create own societies. Such is, for example, the "Society of political researches" created in Philadelphia in 1787. Prominent pennsylvanian politicians were its part: B. Franklin, B. Rush, J. Klaymer, R. Morris, T. Cox, J. Wilson, T. Peyn. Except for Franklin, all of them supported the program of nationalists. The purpose of society proclaimed release of Americans from influence of the European stereotypes, development of political science and growth of happiness a forehead-vechestva15. In 1779 J. Wilson and other pennsylvanian republicans organized the Republican society representing local party respublikantsev16. Some of the similar organizations as, for example, the Minerviansky society created in 1787 in Brookfield (Massachusetts) became a part of institutional network of federalistic party, the direct successor of group of nationalists subsequently.

Similar organizations were rudiments of party structures at nationalists. Their leaders also held various political meetings. So, A. Hamilton in 1784 — 1786 not only was able to win support of the New York mechanics, but also promoted holding their meetings where were nominated for elections, and to formation their regional organizatsiy17. In 1788 the same Hamilton presided over a meeting of the mechanics and dealers who proposed federalistic candidates for elections for ratification convention of New Yorka18. The same role of protoparty institutes in a certain measure was played by the conventions of authorized various states often rather uniform in the structure: Hartford convention of 1780, Annapolis convention of 1786, Philadelphian convention of 1787. Their role was in developing and offering on approval of the Congress and states of a series of resolutions (and in the latter case — and the constitutional project) that also served mobilization of public opinion. In the 1780th years almost all similar conventions were under control of nationalists.

One more category of the societies related to nationalists, it is possible to define as "economic". After the War of independence of the USA keep close economic relations with the former mother country. Still English goods flood the consumer market of America that interferes with development of own industry. The nationalist R.R. Livingston, addressing on July 4, 1787 Tsintsinna-tami of the State of New York, summed up: "Who does not recognize that at present we —

14 See in detail: V.M. Lakeev. A role and the place of committees of action in maturing of a revolutionary situation//Materials 2 symposiums of the Soviet historians-Americanists. M, 1976. Ch.1. Page 201 — 210; it. To a question of "committees of communication" on the eve of the War of independence//the American year-book. 1977. M, 1977. Page 133 — 164; it. Committees as organizational form of motion of a protest on the eve of the War of independence of the USA. Yew... to. and. N of M., 1982.
15 Rules and Regulations of the Society for Political Enquiries. Philadelphia, 1787. P. 1. See also: Hawke D.F. Paine. N.Y. e.a., 1974. River 204; Foner E. Tom Payne and Revolutionary America. N.Y., 1976. River 204.
16 Konkle B.A. James Wilson and the Constitution. Philadelphia, 1907. River 19.
17 Gronowicz A. Political "Radicalism" in New York City&s Revolutionary and Constitutional Eras//New York in the Age of the Constitution 1775-1800/Ed. by P.A. Gilje, W. Pencake. London - Toronto, 1992. P. 105.
18 Ibid. P. 106.

M.A. Filimonova. Social and political.


colonies in every sense, except internal taxation, colony of that country from which as we vainly hoped, we were exempted by our swords" 19.

Voluntary associations from Massachusetts to Virginia limited the use of import luxury goods. Women of Hartford (Connecticut), for example, agreed within a year not to buy tapes, lace, feathers, silk, muslin and sittsev20. In 1785. The association of handicraftsmen and manufakturist of Maryland asked legislature to enter a protectionist tariff, but so achieved nothing. Having despaired to achieve the objective at the level of the state, the Association connected itself with the movement for transfer of the right of regulation to the federal government torgovli21. In 1788 in Philadelphia "The society of encouragement of manufactories and useful arts" was created. It set as the main objective "rescue of this country from harmful and humiliating dependence on manufactories of other nations" 22.

The special place in the history of group of nationalists belongs "to Society Qing-tsinnatov". This organization was born in May, 1783. The initiative belonged to G. Knox. By then he already for many years nourished the idea of creation of the organization of officers which could protect their interests at the national level. After Newburgsko-go of a mutiny he reported about the project to some other officers. The officers who served "with honor" full three years during the war, or those who served to its end could become Tsintsinnatami. G. Washington became the president of society, the secretary general — G. Knox, the general treasurer — A. McDougall. In June — November, 1783 of office of "Society Tsintsinnatov" appeared in all 13 states. The number of members of society varied from 300 in Massachusetts up to 30 in New Gempshire23. Tsintsinnata openly expressed the intention to support federal vlast24. Not without reason one of their principles was the invariable determination to develop and cherish that union between separate states is proclaimed "... which is so significantly necessary for their happiness and future advantage of the American empire" 25. In 1787 J. Brooks warned fellows-" of tsintsinnat contra of unlimited passion for popularity" and urged them to support the program of nationalists: "Convince all of the environment in need to keep unity of our national character" 26.

The nationalists (who were called now federalists) fully made use of the experience in the field of work with the social and political sphere, trying to achieve ratification of the constitution of 1787. The new constitution strengthened the American federation and became a prerequisite for many favourite nationalist projects (system of protectionist tariffs, National bank, etc.). Edanus Byork, the anti-federalist from South Carolina, considered that supporters of the constitution are obliged by the victory

19 Livingston R.R. An Oration Delivered before the Society of the Cincinnati. - N.Y., 1787. -
20 Brekke L.A. The "Scourge of Fashion": Political Economy and the Politics of Consumption in the Early Republic//Early American Studies. Vol. 3 (Spring 2005). P. 131-133. See also: A.N. Shle-pakov. At sources of social and national policy of the USA//Materials 2 symposiums of the Soviet historians-Americanists. M, 1976. Page 166-167.
21 Steffen Ch.G. The Mechanics of Baltimore: Workers and Politics in the Age of Revolution, 1763-1812. Urbana - Chicago, 1984. P. 81.
22 A respectable body of the citizens of Pennsylvania. have formed themselves into a society for the encouragement of manufactures, and the useful arts in America. [Phil., 1788].
23 Callahan N. Henry Knox: General Washington&s General. New York - Toronto, 1958. River 212,
24 Proceedings of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati. Philadelphia, 1785. P.3-12; Myers M. Liberty without Anarchy. A History of the Society of the Cincinnati. Charlottesville, 1983. River 15-18; V.N. Pleshkov. "Society Tsintsinnata"//history Questions. 1973. No. 11. Page 214; Royster Ch. Light-Horse Harry Lee and the Legacy of the American Revolution. N.Y., 1981. River 95; Hunemorder M. The "Deepest Peace of Cunning". Conspiracy Theory and the Society of Cincinnati, 1783-1790. Diss... Munchen, 2003. P.72-73.
25 Proceedings of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati. Philadelphia, 1785. P. 4.
26 Brooks J. An Oration, Delivered to the Society of the Cincinnati in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, July 4, 1787. Boston, 1787. River 15-16.


No. 10 (50) 2008

first of all to skillful use of promotion: "We had no principles uniting us while it (constitutions — M.F.) friends and supporters did not miss any way to push it" 27. Besides a pamfletistika and the press, federalists used meetings, societies and other elements of the social and political sphere. "Society of the Union" in Richmond discussed the constitution at four meetings in November-December, 1787. Despite eloquence of P. Henry, the best speaker of America and the passionate anti-federalist, the final resolution approved the constitution. Members of society voted for it by 128 voices against 1528. Even priests — leaders of opinion influential at that time were involved. "The association of Christian priests" in Massachusetts called Americans daily within an hour to uplift prayers about rescue of America from death and about acceptance konstitutsii29.

It is important to note that the ratification campaign was well coordinated at the federal level. New York which in 1785-1789 was the capital of the USA became "headquarters" of federalists. There were such federalistic leaders as A. Hamilton, J. Madison, R. King, G. Morris, G. Li and also, certainly, radical New Yorkers: J. Jay, J. Duer, R.R. Livingston30. This "headquarters" coordinated efforts of federalists on the whole country. It is no wonder that the promotional campaign was successful. The constitution was ratified.

In the USA many factors promoted increase of a role of public opinion: transition to the republican form of government, expansion of suffrage and revolutionary process involved the huge mass of the white population in the sphere of policy. It is no wonder that "founding fathers" attached to public opinion huge significance. In the activity the nationalists tried to create working methods with public opinion. They acted through the press, a pamfletistika, the organization of political societies, holding meetings, etc. The main methods of influence on society were already tested in the 1780th years. However true success in this field waited for nationalists only in one of their promotional campaigns — a ratification campaign of 1787-1788 when they managed to create large-scale support of the new Federal Constitution.


The public sphere of the United States in the late 18th century is analyzed, as well as some channels of forming public opinion and their use by politicians. Spe-MA FILIMONOVA cial attention is paid to the Nationalist Group that preceded the Federalist Party.

The author shows that from the very beginning this group tries to improve means Kursk Institute of of influencing the public sphere. It became the prerequisite of successful propa-

Social Education ganda campaigns. It allowed the Nationalists - later Federalists - to win and then

(branch) of Russian State to control the public opinion of the United States.

Humanitarian University

27 ?. Burke to J. Lamb, June 23, 1788//Irish Immigrants in the Land of Canaan: Letters and Memoirs from Colonial and Revolutionary America, 1675-1815/Ed. by K.A. Miller e.a. Oxford e.a., 2003. P. 579.
28 The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution: 21 vols. / Ed. by M. Jensen. Madison, 1976-2005. Vol. 8. P. 170.
29 Essex Journal. January 2, 1788. About a clergy position see also: American Herald. January 28, 1788.
30 Ketcham R. James Madison. A Biography. N.Y.-L., 1968. River 232.
Heikkinen Tuomas
Other scientific works: