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Working question in views and N.E. Paramonov's activity

 © 2006 urban districts of P. Okopnaya


The working question unites in itself extremely complex and multidimensional problems of Russia. Formation of working class, its structure and number, structure, conditions of living and work, the right and political situation belong to them.

The social policy pursued by owners of the enterprises was not just the regulator of their relationship with workers, but also the important party of business activity.

Nikolay Elpidiforovich Paramonov - the Rostov businessman - perfectly understood interrelation between position of the enterprises and people working for him. He sought not only to improve and expand the production, but also to increase living standards, working conditions and qualification of the workers.

Paramonov constructed the biggest, the mine equipped with the best appliances and the best industrial settlement in Russia, shop, school for children of miners, the dining room, club, organized sobriety society and cash desk of mutual aid, pharmacy, hospital, library. In the mine he established the highest rates [1, page 3]. On September 1, 1912 opened sunday school for workers [2, l. 3].

Paramonov is a liberal, the representative of a class of the bourgeoisie, aspired to the political power and tried to adapt to labor movement. The main part of liberal businessmen tried to release workers from under influence of the left-wing parties, recognizing the right of the proletariat for economic and political strikes, opposing at the same time violent methods of permission of the social conflicts. Businessmen understood that revolutionary fermentation goes from below and for the sake of maintaining stability in society it is important to enter labor movement into a legitimate framework, not to assume that it gained anarchical character.

At the beginning Nikolay Elpidiforovich sought to influence the course of labor movement. The department of police reported: "N.E. Paramonov donates the sums for release on the security of members of Donskoy of Committee, social democrats; releases revolutionary literature, free of charge distributes criminal brochures and leaflets of the publishing house & #34; Don речь". During the strike in the main workshops Vladikavkaz-which of the railroad in November, 1902, Paramonov took part in it, by distribution to stachechnik of money and torments" [3, l. 10-11].

On December 5, 1904 Nikolay Elpidiforovich participated at a meeting in the commercial club devoted to the fortieth anniversary of judicial charters of Alexander II and said in the speech about decline of an education system and about freedom of press in Russia [4, page 118]. The department of police wrote: "The unknown speaker from workers whose face was for -

spoke at a banquet

it is made up, and it changed the make-up during the banquet. The mysterious speaker in the speech concerned modern position of Russia and spoke in the spirit of social democrats, having finished the speech with words: & #34; So, time when it is time to tell came: down with autocracy and to replace it with another управлением"" [5, l. 83]. On this meeting Paramonov personally elected deputies from workers of the social democratic organization among whom there were also police passing on internal and external observation of department [5, l. 84]. The point of view of the unknown speaker about need of change of state system of Russia completely coincides with his opinion on the matter. Paramonov supported overthrow of autocracy and establishment of a republican form of government. He headed fight for implementation of the promises formulated in the Manifesto in Rostov delivered speeches about introduction of the constitution [6, page 46-47]. Support of workers by Paramonov tensed sharpness of social contradictions in the country at the beginning.

In views of a working question in its activity some inconsistency and discrepancy is traced. In some cases it costs on the party of workers, and in others - protects the interests of businessmen. The relation to war of workers and Paramonov was a miscellaneous.

Workers considered responsible for this war a class of the bourgeoisie and opposed its continuation. Quicker to make the peace they are ready to make concessions with enemies: "Appeal to Germans, the Austrians, fraternize with them more closely" [7]. On the Paramonova mine the meeting with participation of social democrats and Bolsheviks took place on May 21, 1917. Heads of a meeting agitated to vote for the resolution on need of the fastest termination of war: "We, workers of the Paramonova mine, recognized that war is waged for strengthening and enrichment of our deadly enemy - a class of capitalists. For workers it except sufferings and poverty bears nothing, and we seek for the fastest termination of war" [8, page 24].

Paramonov thought differently. Once you look at a problem eyes of the person anxious with the fate of the country waging war and all falls into place. He understood that Russia entered war and now the main task adequately to finish it. Paramonov took active part in defense of the country. War forced it except the mine, to arrange the brick-works and the plant of horseshoes, briquette factory and the phenolic plant working for military deliveries [9, l. 3]. So, in 1916 he signed the contract with the tsarist government for construction of two plants of horseshoes: for Area of army of Donskoy - on Vlasovsky mines, for Army Russian in Moscow (later "The red proletarian") [2, l. 4].

During the I world war Nikolay and Pyotr Paramonov offered on defense business 1 million rub -

leu, placed money for maintenance of sick and wounded soldiers. In the Donskiye Oblastnye Vedomosti newspaper for August 24, 1914 it is published: "... about donation by Cossacks Pyotr and Nikolay Paramonov of 300 thousand rubles on the structure of four infirmaries for sick and wounded soldiers. The sovereign the emperor with own hand desired to print: "Sincerely I thank brothers Paramonov for their generous пожертвование"" [10, page 4].

Besides, Nikolay Elpidiforovich was a chairman Rostov - on - Don of the military-industrial committee which arose from the beginning of the I world war. N.G. Eroshkin defined the reasons of creation of committee: "The inability of autocracy and royal bureaucracy to wage war pushed the bourgeoisie on creation of the new all-Russian organization - military-industrial committee which helped to mobilize the industry for needs of war" [11, l. 3].

Thus, Paramonov could not accept and understand a position of workers who were not concerned by a question of a result of war and position of Russia on the international scene and who saw in representatives of the bourgeoisie of the main enemies who started war to increase the capitals.

The question of the 8-hour working day became very popular. Paramonov essentially did not reject him, though considered it unattainable luxury when the country waged heavy war. It, according to him, could lead to irreparable disasters and kill defense. Besides, miners demanded with introduction of the 8-hour working day of payment as for 12-hour. Wrote the managing director of Ne-svetayevsky mines of P.E. Kalninu Paramonov: "I strictly forbid you to pass for 8 hour working day with salary for 12. To work if desired 8 hours, let receive for 8. Least of all be afraid of strikes" [12, l. 112].

The head of miners of the mine of Paramonov reported: "Since June, 1917 in the mine & #34; Елпидифор" the 8-hour working day is entered. Miners proved that in 8 hours they manage so many if it is no more, to get coal, how many in 12 hours" [13, page 34]. Actually with introduction of the 8-hour working day work went more slowly. In general the 8-hour working day was entered only at Paramonov's enterprises without reduction of wages which was higher, than on mines of other businessmen. Other enterprises continued to work 12 hours a day. Since October, 1917 all mines passed to the 8-hour working day [14, l. 2].

Every day of the relation of Paramonov and workers worsened. In it the role of members of Bolshevik Party for whom such as Paramonov, were strong contenders on the way to the power is undoubted. Bolsheviks in leaflets, at meetings branded businessmen. So, representatives of family Paramonov were called "the foremost spiders who sucked people blood" [1, page 3]. "To all workers of Rostov-on-Don" in June, 1917 the Bolsheviks wrote in an appeal that "false shopkeepers think by sale of national interests to buy for themselves

a share of the power to enslave the people" [14, l 2]. However to some steps of activity of Paramonov, in particular to publishing house and distribution of literature to the mass of the population, they belonged approvingly, but explained it as certain tactics [15, page 221]. At all stages of revolutionary movement the Bolsheviks treated liberals as enemies of revolution though did not disdain to take from them money including at Paramonov. In such situation about consent between it and workers of the speech could not be.

So far from workers requirements which satisfaction was, on the one hand, possible, and with another proceeded - were equitable to the interests of society and economy of Russia, - they were accepted and supported by Paramonov. As soon as trends of intervention of workers in the management it of the enterprises were outlined, concessions though were, but insignificant, and to support of workers of the owner the end came from the outside.

Originally Paramonov supported the partial satisfaction of political requirements of workers. But as a result of the followed events in Russia he changed the point of view, seeing that the workers who came to the power do not want to make a compromise with the bourgeoisie and direct the activity openly against it. These actions, according to Paramonov, posed huge threat of the social explosion capable to bury both businessmen, and workers. In the evening of life he recognized the participation in preparation of revolution as a mistake: "It was not necessary to do it" [16, page 259].

Paramonov made an indisputable contribution to the history of labor movement of Don. He was not a bright revolutionary, but the Russian autocracy to it was not to liking. He supported bourgeois-democratic revolution, sought to define the fate and the fate of the country. From here at the beginning - collision with the authorities and support of those who shook autocracy. Nevertheless Nikolay Elpidiforovich tried to make though something useful to workers, at the same time not in words unlike many contemporaries, and in practice.


1. Sidorov V.S. Paramonov//Krestyanin. 2001. April.
2. Materials of archive Shakhty. Artemovsky branch.
3. GARO, t. 826, op. 1, 28.
4. V.S. Yadritsev. Pupils of average educational institutions of Don in social movement 1901 - 1907. Rostov N / D, 2004.
5. TsHDNIRO, t. 12, op. 5, 40.
6. F.M. Lurye. Keepers of the past. Byloye magazine. L., 1990.
7. On the district//our banner. 1917. May 24.
8. From the paramonovsky mine//our banner. 1917. May 27.
9. GARO, t. R-2251, op. 1, 481.
10. Local chronicle//Don regional sheets. 1914. On Aug. 24
11. GARO, t. 820, op. 1.
12. TsHDNIRO, t. 12, op. 5, 91.
13. On the district//our banner. 1917. June 15.
14. TsHDNIRO, t. 12, op. 3, 571.
15. M.P. Batorgin. Before court of royal autocracy. M, 1964.
16. Cossack dictionary reference. T. 2. California: San Anselmo, 1968.

Rostov state pedagogical university On April 13, 2005

Don Allen
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