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The WORLD AND WAR IN the ANGLO-SCOTTISH HISTORIOGRAPHIC TRADITION of the SECOND HALF of the 18th century.



literatura

1. I. Kant. Criticism of ability of judgment//I. Kant. Soch.: In the 6th TM, 1965.
2. M. Gandhi. All people are brothers//Discovery of India. Philosophical and esthetic views in India the XX centuries. M, 1987.
3. R. Tagore. Nationalism. Pg., 1922.
4. Grigorieva of T. Dao and Logos. Return. M, 1992.
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6. P.V. Maximov. Problem of justification of morals. Logiko-kognitivnye aspects. M, 1991.

I.E. Rudkovskaya

The WORLD AND WAR IN the ANGLO-SCOTTISH HISTORIOGRAPHIC TRADITION of the SECOND HALF of the 18th century

Tomsk state pedagogical university

Among the historical works which had noticeable impact on formation of ideas of war and peace of the generations which endured an era of the Napoleonic wars which were directly involved in expansion of wars or an achievement of peace, the special place belongs to the historians by right recognized as contemporaries "the Historical Triumvirate of Britain" [1, page 369]. The large-scale, brilliantly written works D. Yuma, V. Robertson, E. Gibbon informed of that value scale which was developed age of Enlightenment readers. Their works demonstrate increase of aspiration to discredit war, to deprive of it a romantic aura. Besides, considering history not only as "very valuable part of knowledge", but also as science which "opens the road to other types of knowledge and supplies with material the majority of sciences" [2, page 819], historians of the Anglo-Scottish school presented, undoubtedly, very valuable material allowing to judge as realities of war and peace during the eras studied by them and about reaction to external and internal wars of people of the age of Enlightenment. To identification of historiographic and philosophical predefiniteness and also general and special in D. Yum, V. Robertson, E. Gibbon's approach to problems of war and peace this work is devoted.

Views of problems of war and peace of representatives of the Anglo-Scottish historiographic school developed under an impression of idea peculiar to historical, philosophical, publicistic works of the age of Enlightenment of absolutely new nature of wars of the 18th century of Govo - rya about war events for the Spanish inheritance (1700-1714), G. Bolingbrok noted: "Fights, sieges, the sudden turns happening during this war have no analogies in any period of history" [3, page 242]. Repeatedly similar

the idea was introduced also by F. Voltaire [4, page 9, 187-188], perhaps, not without influence of Bolingbrok whom he called by one of the most brilliant minds and the best speaker of the century [5, page 244]. Possibly, this distinct understanding of novelty of an era from the military point of view caused hobby for history of the French educators, in the 30-40th years of the 18th century of the works which created a number in which plots inevitably concerned war and peace. Che. Montesquieu devoted many pages to reasonings on the reasons of greatness and falling of Romans [6]. Among heroes of books of Voltaire - almost exclusive his aggressive contemporaries: Karl XII and Peter I, Louis XIV and Louis XV.

Folding of the Anglo-Scottish historiographic tradition under the "return influence of the French Education" noted by G. Shpet [7, page 76] puts the researcher before need of identification of specifics of this genetic predefiniteness. In the remark of XLIV finishing the section "Proofs and Explanations" at the end of the I volume "Istoriya a gosudarstvovaniye of the emperor Charles V" V. Robertson characterized the importance of historical works of Voltaire for his own researches. He considered it necessary to explain absence in its work of references to Voltaire's work devoted to the same period. Voltaire, Robertson noted, "seldom imitates an example of the latest historians - to mean writers by whom was guided", without allowing "to be approved on it, talking business doubtful and little-known". At the same time the Scottish historian will emphasize: "I respect creations of this unusual person... he often shone me in my investigations and not only specified that was important for a research, but even nauchat what to make from this the decent conclusions" [8, page 345-346]. From the point of view of Robertson if Voltaire specified sources of the data, then his readers "would find in him the Historian scientific and well-read", and not just the writer entertaining and witty. It is repeatedly mentioned in Robertson's work by Montesquieu as the author whose researches differ in "his ordinary legibility and thoroughness" [8, page 208, 320321]. E. Gibbon belonged to other generation which grew during this period when the innovation of the French educators was not perceived as that any more and the weakness of the argument was not blocked by originality, non-standard of a look. As in a field of studying history Rima Montesquieu was among direct predecessors of the Gibbon, he could not ignore his work, however references to Montesquieu's work in most cases were followed by undisguised irony, allocation, along with "usual wit", "rare clarity" and "live imagination" [9, t. I, page 222, 271, 302, 384]. A formula "One witty philosopher found. also dared to claim." quite discloses specifics of the relation of the historian to research methods of the author of "Reflections about the reasons of greatness and falling of Romans" [9, t. II, page 139]. Voltaire to a lesser extent adjoined to the scientific interests of the Gibbon, but in infrequent references of the historian to works of the philosopher the dissatisfaction with "the shakiest proofs" [9, t is also noticeable. II, page 205].

In philosophical, in historical works of the French educators, in their correspondence the bifurcation of an author's position is obvious: the accented condemnation of war is combined with recognition of its need, and at times and with appeals to it, with recommendations about its carrying out. Idea of priority of creation over destruction - a keynote practically all works of this period. Karl XII and Peter I's comparison which was made by Voltaire in the book which was issued in 1731, devoted to the Swedish king is characteristic: the first was famous by the beginning of the Poltava fight for "nine years of victories", the second - "nine years of works", the first "distributed foreign states", the second - "illuminated the", the first had the nickname "Invincible" which "could lose in a flash", the second could not lose the nickname "Great" as "the people nicknamed" him "not for military victories" [5, page 146]. Formulating a task to describe in the book about Louis XIV first of all "that there were they", i.e. the French, at that time, Voltaire promised not to occupy the readers "with the extensive description of uncountable military operations, sieges of the cities taken and back won, conceded and returned at the world" [4, page 9], hoped to represent mainly "customs national, to trace the history of mind human, especially sciences and arts",

trade, laws [10, page 103, 147-148]. But material carried away it, and wars filled out the page by the page though already it happened to it to regret in the letter to Friedrich, then still to the crown prince, "that wrote some horrors of war bloody" in the book devoted to Karl XII [10, page 33]. Despite obvious anti-war pathos of its works, a protest against "art to exterminate the human race", he recognized that "unfortunately, apparently, policy and weapon an essence two crafts necessary for the human race" [4, page 450, 33]. Moreover, the European wars, from the point of view of Voltaire in spite of the fact that often millions of people are sacrificed "for acquisition of several boundary cities which are seldom rewarding gain costs" [4, page 32], can be characterized by a concept of the "correct war" opposed to them to that robbery which was peculiar, in view of lack of a salary, to the Tatars taking the field with army of the Turkish sultan [4, page 180]. In letters to Catherine II, since 1767, a refrain there will pass the appeal to activization of war with Turkey" [11, page 22-23, 28-29, 30-33, 38, 41-44, 49, 55, 62, 67, 69, 73, 81-83, 86, 90, 95-96, 101, 137, 148, 152, 193]. "The world - excellent business, - Voltaire will write on May 16, 1774 to it, - and I most of all was eager for it, except for capture of Constantinople" [12, page 254]. Voltaire to exaggerate and peacefulness of the people was not inclined; it noted, for example, a phenomenon of commitment to war of a considerable part of British: "The English queen Anna died on August 10, 1714, hated by a half of the people for the fact that made the peace with the so many states" [4, page 245].

Montesquieu, being convinced that "any nation did not prepare war so reasonably and did not conduct it so bravely" as Romans, sought to take out from studying the Roman military heritage lessons for contemporaries: "We notice now that our armies lose many people because the soldier is forced to work much. At us desertion cases because soldiers are recruited from the bastards of each army are very frequent" [6, page 55-57]. References to the present, continuous updating of the Roman military tradition allows to see the experience of judgment of wars of the century which did not lose value and a decade later in this work. "We often see sovereigns, - Montesquieu wrote, - which are able to give battles; but there are not enough such sovereigns who are able to wage war." [6, page 71]. Madness Montesquieu aspiration not peculiar to Romans named winners to impose to all people the laws and the customs [6, page 79]. According to Montesquieu, the basic principle of the republic in Rima "consisted in continuously to be at war" whereas emperors "were guided by the rule - to maintain the peace" [6, page 105]. However this formula was probably not considered by it as something constant: in its main work "About Spirit of Laws" published in 1748 Montesquieu will emphasize: "Spirit of the monarchy - war and expansion of territories; spirit of the republic - the world and moderation" [13, page 270]. In the same work of Montesquieu argued on the right of the people not only on defensive, but also on preventive war, devoted a whole chapter to the right of gain which, according to him, follows from the right of war, it is connected with acquisition and therefore does not grant the right to destroy, kill defeated, and as "an accidental consequence of gain" he recognized the address to slavery as lawful only with the prospect of transformation of the enslaved people into the citizen [13, page 275-277]. "Our fathers who conquered the Roman Empire acted this way", - the educator who was proud as N.I. Kareev noted, with the origin from Germans - "the tribe of conquerors" emphasized [14, page 14], approving that "gain can destroy harmful prejudices., give in heads to the people of the best genius", imposing on the conqueror enormous obligations [13, page 278]. Montesquieu's thesis as if predicted to the people of Europe Napoleon's phenomenon.

D. Yum considered the problems of war and peace in the context of the history of Britain from Julius Caesar's era to the middle of the 17th century [15]. Its historical work was influenced by fatal impact of war: in "Autobiography" of Yum noted that only the begun war between England and France did not allow it to refuse continuation of a research which first volume was met "by shout of displeasure, indignation, almost hatred" so his author thought already of moving to "one of country towns" of France" [16, page 39]. Addressing historiographic heritage of D. Yum, it is impossible to ignore those his judgments which were stated to them in his philosophical compositions. As an eternal source of wars and contentions of Yum recognized egoism and ambition, believing natural approval of those acts which "promote preservation of the general world", and censure of those that "are directed to its violation" [17, page 728, 730]. Both war, and the world, according to Yuma, have the laws [18, page 253]. The eternal wars in the ancient republics were presented to it by a natural consequence not only a martial spirit, love for freedom, a mutual competition, but also to "that hatred which cannot but exist between the sosedstvenny people" [19, page 51]. Perception of war by citizens and especially the press in modern to it England is defined, he believed, tradition of the critical relation to any action of the government: "If the government makes the decision on war, then claim that it deliberately or unintentionally understands the interests of the country incorrectly and that the world at this state of affairs it is incomparable more preferably". Respectively, if "ministers are inclined to the world, then our writers treating political affairs are eager for war and destruction and represent peace behavior of the government low and cowardly" [20, page 573]. Yum assumed that before threat of "all-destroying disasters", extensive gains free systems of board will be the most vulnerable and that in such states "the severe law against conducting aggressive wars" has to be issued that is interfered, however, by that circumstance that "nevertheless the republics, as well as at people, have the ambition" [21, page 797].

In the historical work it ambiguously approached various options of policy of war and peace policy: quietly weighed pluses and minuses of conquest of Britain by Romans [15, ruble of 1214], quite emotionally described the horror which captured British at news of the unfortunate battle of Hastings [15, river 198], skeptically spoke of manifestations of peacefulness of James I as the obvious evidence of weakness of the sovereign, ignorance of specifics of international policy by the governor deprived of both political courage, and the corresponding experience [22, page 102]. D. Yum paid to the internal conflicts, however, much attention if it was talked only of race for power as in case of war of the Red and White rose, he preferred to state events so briefly as far as it was possible. The relation to those events where it was talked of "the great constitutional principles" [15, river 223] has to be other, on his belief. It is possible to refer the opposition which was in detail considered by it between Scotland and the English crown which he considered the most interesting event of reign of Edward I and his successors to their number [15, river 158]. Yum emphasized that the English kings were opposed by the Scottish nation in general, wrote about the terror of the English power weakened, however, by the weak management from Edward II who managed to collect, however, under the banners forces of Gascony, Flanders, Ireland and Wales; the historian gave the number of troops on both sides, referring to data of the Scottish authors [15, river 166, 168-169]. In the volumes written the first, but chronologically finishing devoted to the history of England at Styuartakh, Yum recreated history of revolution of the 17th century James I as the representative of the Scottish dynasty on the English throne is brought by it a certain symbol of centuries-old opposition of two "the sosedstvenny people": "He was born, - D. Yum wrote, - in others country and grew up among the hostile people. brought with

to England great variety of court - Scottish. did not consider that the memory of the past still affects human prejudices. maintaining between both nations that hatred which in former times reached excessively and could not weaken so quickly" [22, page 6, 7, 20-21]. For the king, according to Yuma, the naive faith in the fact that his citizens in both kingdoms will support the idea of full merging of parliament, laws and privileges for peacekeeping that his greatest diligence and impatience with which he tried to obtain the union of two kingdoms will not go to waste was peculiar. "The special happiness which dropped out to its board, James on justice - the historian noticed, - considered that he managed to put an end to bloody hostility of the competing people and to unite under one power all island enjoying now inner world and which is reliably protected from any invasions from the outside" [22, page 20]. The historical work D. Yuma, thus, allows to speak about organic unity of its philosophical and historical views.

Extremely extensive space of war of an era of Charles V was reproduced by V. Robertson [8]. Without being limited to borders of one country or even Europe, he mentioned also events in the extending possession of the Turkish sultan and even on the African continent. If in works Yuma and the Gibbon temporary characteristics as their works were devoted to the processes developed in literal sense throughout the millennia, then in Robertson's chronotope the space prevailed prevailed: in the main part of the work it was limited to events of the XVI century. At the same time in the extensive prolog where the time factor predominated, it strictly coordinated specifics of historical development of England throughout many centuries, the slowed-down development of trade to invasions and wars, both external, and internal. According to Robertson, "the people long could not come round" after that "a sudden and perfect revolution in land property" which was made as a result of Norman gain. Then the state "was ardently and imprudently come for claims of the Kings to the throne of France and long the power in the vain enterprises exhausted to subdue it" then "bloody wars between Houses York and Lancaster flared up and involved the Kingdom in the most awful of all disasters" [8, t. I, page 302-303]. The historian presented the English medieval history as a convincing illustration to a thesis about destructive impact of wars in several offers.

Considering in the first volume "Organization of civil societies in Europe, from destruction Roman

empires before the beginning of the sixteenth century", Robertson showed absolute rejection of the internal wars called also private, arising "on private displeasure" [8, t. I, page 44]. "Internal wars, - the historian wrote, - were made with the terrible ferocity peculiar to relentless hatred. invasion of the most vicious enemy cannot be more devastating than them for the state and it is more disastrous for the people" [8, t. I, page 251]. Robertson brings not only "glavnyya resolutions, a voshedshiya into custom concerning the right and production of mezhdousobiya", but also "razlichnyya means, upotreblennyya for their restriction and destruction" [8, t. I, page 252-261], in details explaining what was understood after 1032 as "the God's World", and since 1245, at Ludovic Sviaty, - as "the Royal World" [8, t. I, page 254-255]. Concerning laws against internal wars Robertson will say a phrase, so characteristic of educators: "As progress of reason and public improvement are slow!" It was represented to it surprising that laws which "seem to us are so fair, clear and simple, demanded for the adoption of century efforts of the civil and spiritual power" [8, t. I, page 257].

Other accents were placed by the researcher in relation to wars of the 16th century. Robertson assigned a special part in their unleashing to a personal factor. He believed that "the deep and universal peace" in Europe was undermined by rivalry of two emperors, wars became result of what, "what was not in the latest times on duration and number of participants" [8, t. II, page 50]. In wars of an era of Charles V Robertson saw deep positive meaning as, according to him, the European powers "gained internal power, learned the means, tested the strength and learned to sodelyvat their terrible another". Wars promoted overcoming dissociation, the states lonely before "shortly got acquainted, entered close ties between themselves, made one political great system", and, according to Robertson, and by the time of writing of its work "keep in it the places at that time occupied by them without having experienced such important changes what could be expected after incidents throughout two active centuries" [8, t. IV, page 235-236]. It became possible in view of their approximately equal potential, as, Robertson believed, gains "are extensive and fast only at great inequality of civil status of the people" that was characteristic during Alexander of Macedon, Genghis Khan and Tamerlan's era [8, t. IV, page 233].

At the same time Robertson very positively considered change of the relation of England here to

To "Powers on the firm earth", its refusal of "passion for gains", of the "continuous and fruitless wars" exhausting its force. It affected, he believed, and on its relationship with Scotland, centuries the protected "nature and the brave, courageous people" from "dangerous if not absolutely unrealizable intention to win this country". Using "poverty of Scots and furious internal contentions", by means of bribery of "national leaders, ministers and royal favourites", England achieved such influence in Scotland what wars [8, t could not bring to it. IV, page 245]. The text of "History" of Robertson, thus, after Montesquieu's works, gave notable arguments both to supporters, and opponents of realistic school.

Contrary to Robertson, E. Gibbon consistently opposed all wars, having opposed to a war romanticizing a thesis that "so far the mankind will not cease to lavish on the blighters praises more generously, than to the benefactors, the aspiration to military glory will always be vicious bent of the most sublime characters" [9, t. I, page 55]. He emphasized the importance of wars in the history of mankind, wrote that he "could not hold back such events which on the extraordinary importance stop attention of the philosopher on the history of bloodsheds" [9, Part VII, page 124], quite realizing importance of historical material for philosophical generalizations. In the main work

AA. A gibbon, finished in 1787, the history of decline not only the eternal city, but also all empire up to fall of Byzantium was tracked. The scale of a research about the civilization which made, according to the German historian of the next century T. Mommsen, expansion of the state "the only unforbidden high aspiration" [23, page 37], allowed to state repeatedly the author's relation to problems of war and peace.

Already on the first Gibbon page "History" will allocate

three the major, from his point of view, the reason of the main gaining the Roman weapon made at the republic: policy of the senate, active competition of consuls, aggressive enthusiasm of the people [9, t. I, page 51]. The gibbon will aphoristically characterize essence of the transformations happening in Rima in process of expansion of its limits: "public freedom was absorbed by extensive gains" [9, t. I, page 57]. Crisis of the republic and transition to the empire will change the system of values: already Augustus, the founder of the empire, will leave "to the successor valuable inheritance, having given it advice not to broaden the empire further of those borders on which as though the nature indicated by it as its constant stronghold and limits". The cowardice and defects of the closest successors of Augustus had also the positive investigations: according to the Gibbon, "fortunately for tranquility of the human race" "the modest system recommended by Augustus's wisdom" [9, t was fixed. I, page 5253]. "The pleasant picture of the universal peace" will be presented by Adrian and Antonin Pius's reigns ("if to exclude the insignificant military operations taken for the sake of exercise of boundary legions") [9, t. I, page 57]. Most distinctly E. Gibbon at the description of capture of Constantinople by crusaders expressed negative attitude to wars: "But in a deplorable result of wars profit is never uniform with loss, and joy is never uniform with grief" [9, Part VII, page 55]. In its characteristics of wars there is a lot of sarcasm, a frank sneer. Concerning conquest of Britain by Romans, the Gibbon noticed that war "the beginnings the silliest of all emperors, continued the dissolutest, and ended the most coward" [9, t. I, page 53]. The Gibbon compared the Mongolian invasion to "those convulsions of the nature which once shook the globe and changed its outer sheath" [9, Part VII, page 124].

Views of the problems of war and peace characteristic of "the Historical Triumvirate of Britain", as well as their historical heritage in general, had noticeable impact on value reference points of the European scientific community, on gradual correction of public opinion. In Russia at least from the moment of the publication in the early nineties 18th century. "Letters of the Russian traveler" N.M. Karamzin works D. Yuma, V. Robertson, E. Gibbon were considered as recognized samples of historical works [24, page 252]. Their influence on N.M. Karamzin's creativity as largest historian of the age of Enlightenment in Russia whose "Istoriya the state Russian" was created in the context of the European scientific space was versatile, it was predetermined by the processes happening in foreign science, not to a lesser extent than a situation in domestic [25]. Many provisions of the British historians concerning problems of war and peace were very close Karamzin's mirovide-niya [26].

As well as I. Kant's ideas, spent the XVIII century which proclaimed that "destructive war in which both parties can be destroyed and together with them and anything is right, would result in everlasting peace only at the cemetery of mankind" [27, page 263], conclusions to which representatives of the Anglo-Scottish historiographic tradition came are relevant and today. Also aphoristic formula E did not lose, alas, the importance. A gibbon, written over two hundred years ago concerning gaining Timur: "In law of gains some legal motive for war - own safety is always easily found or

revenge, honor or religious eagerness, right or benefit" [9, Part VII, page 176-177].

Modern researches of the world, accumulating that experience which allows today, relying on the latest achievements in this area, to consider the whole complex of the problems connected with classification of wars, determination of their recurrence, identification of the conditions leading to establishment and peacekeeping, so ambiguously treated [28], inevitably incorporate also those thoughts of representatives of the Anglo-Scottish historiographic school which entered fabric of universal reflections about war and about the world long ago and strongly.

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