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Nation and values of civil society: the liberal F.K. Dalman in the Frankfurt parliament (1848-1849)



NANIYA And VALUES of CIVIL SOCIETY: The LIBERAL F.K. is a TALLYMAN IN the FRANKFURT PARLIAMENT

(1848-1849)

On the eve of the revolution of 1848 the liberal historian Friedrich Christoph Dalman expelled from the University of Göttingen for support of the constitution of of an annover found a shelter in Bonn (Prussian kingdom).

His colleagues were very concerned whether the French republic of 1848 of Prussia threatens and whether will wake republican sympathies at the Bonn students. In the lectures he tried to prevent formation of similar moods therefore with enthusiasm eulogized ideals of constitutional monarchy, urged to carry out everything that corresponded to its principles. To its councils many German princes among whom there were Baden and Saxon successors listened. According to professor, the policy of Prussia was optimum in these conditions. At the request of the Bonn university community Dalman prepared the special address where pointed out dangers which can arise owing to overthrow monarkhii1.

In Dalman's representation, the monarchy was a guarantee of the German freedom, and the Prussian king, having met requirements of the people, was an example of such political behavior. He claimed: "Prussia is called to head Germany. The instant came. The absence in Prussia unlike the verkhnenemetsky states of the constitutional freedoms did this purpose unattainable. But convocation of the connected landtag filled this lacuna. Now it is capable to prevent disintegration of Germany on two hostile parts and to reconcile freedom and justice" 2.

However political moods of citizens of the Rhine region forced Dalman to recognize that hardly his actions will result in success here. The population was in Cologne and its vicinities under strong influence of ultramontan and Catholic lawyers or inclined to the democratic choice. And when after the events on March 18, 1848 in Berlin there was also "a March ministry" and the minister of cults of the columns Schwerin invited him to Berlin, Dalman went to the capital of Prussia immediately. Interest of the Prussian government in cooperation with Dahl-manom was quite pragmatical: the person popular in the liberal circles who could advocate the interests of Prussia during transformation of allied structures was necessary for it. On March 28 Dalman was sent to Frankfurt am Main. But being a person far-sighted, he refused to become the Prussian envoy in not disappeared Allied seyme3 yet.

The allied diet (Bundestag) tried to keep itself and on March 3, 1848 declared introduction of freedom of press, and on March 10 - about creation of the "committee of 17" designed to transform the allied device in consent with "is true

national" principles. Dalman along with F.D. Wasserman, I.G. Droy-zenom, M. von Gagern and G.G. Gervinus was a part of committee. The project of the uniform German state prepared by committee sought to consider federal and dynastic traditions of Germany.

The issue of ways of creation of the uniform national state was discussed on the congress in Heidelberg on March 5, 1848 which especially for it organized "the commission of the 7" where representatives of the liberal Southwest prevailed and who did not wish to see Allied diet in number reformatorov4.

Therefore convocation of preparliament (Vorparlament) was necessary. He sat at Frankfurt in St. Pavel's church from March 31 to April 3, 1848 its President there was Mittermayer, and Dalman - one of vice presidents. At its meetings there was hot debate between liberals, supporters of constitutional monarchy, and democrats seeking to embody a republican ideal in the uniform German state. Dalman and liberals sought for the fastest legalization of revolution, their motto became: "Not revolutionary movement, but order and unity". Therefore they supported recognition by the gathered deputies of the constitutional and monarchic principle of the structure of future uniform state, preservation of dynasties of the states of the German union. Dalman and his supporters accurately defined competence of the federal center and in general wished legalization new by means of maintaining legal traditions. They emphasized: "Germany loves the dynasties as they are carriers of a civilization and culture" 5.

Dalman became the deputy of national representative office, the first in the history of Germany, - the Frankfurt parliament. At its meetings he stood up for a statement in the uniform German state of the absolute veto of the monarch, two-chamber parliament and transformation of the Prussian king into the emperor of Germany. Dalman suggested to expel Austria from future uniform state as, according to him, its "ideal" did not correspond to "the national German concept".

Most brightly national priorities of Dalman were shown at the solution of a shlezvig-golshteynsky question. In the spring of 1848 the Danish king Christian VIII unexpectedly died. Denmark hurried to strengthen the influence in duchies, having created purely Danish government in Shlezvige. In reply the duchy separated from Denmark and created the provisional government which announced accession to Germany. The Frankfurt parliament gathered for definition of an order of inclusion of Shlezviga in the German union.

Among his deputies moods, pronounced F.K. Dalman who when obtaining the deputy mandate wrote prevailed: "I know myself very well to understand that I will serve up to the end a shlezvig-golshteynsky question to which devoted all youth" 6. It believed that it is necessary to begin implementation of a unification of Germans with a solution of the problem of duchies.

Troops of Prussia, Hanover and other German states which were close to victory already soon were sent in Denmark. On June 9, 1848 Dalman made in the National Assembly the passionate speech in which he claimed that for Germany a point of honor - to do away with the century lawlessness reigning in gertsogstvakh7. He connected the decision shlezvig-gol-shteynskogo a question with process of the reunification of Germany: "If you in the shlez-Whig-golshteynskom a question lose sight that it is good and correct to eat, then thus cut the main thing in the solution of the German problems in general. But if you do what demands honor of Germany, then it could lead plans of those who stake on constant existence of weakness and instability of our German fatherland to crash!" 8

However expansion of community of Germans did not happen. Great Britain, Russia with mediation of Sweden forced the Prussian king Friedrich Wilhelm IV to call a truce in Malmö on August 26, 1848. The decision on truce was first of all the decision of Prussia. Its troops under command of the general Wrangel were the main striking power. They took not only the largest cities of Shlezviga, but in view of blocking of the German coast of the Northern and Baltic seas by the Danish fleet crossed its border and intruded in Jutland. Unprecedented pressure was put upon Prussia. Lord Palmerston induced Russia to active actions against Prussia. Russia and Sweden promised Denmark the help in a war continuation case, Austria remained on side of Denmark. Prussia considered unreasonable in these conditions to quarrel with all European states.

The Frankfurt parliament showed uncompromising stand and did not recognize this truce. Dalman got into very difficult situation: being the representative of Prussia, he in fact challenged its decision. In a performance on September 4, 1848 the politician reminded deputies that in the decision the shlez-Whig-golshteynskogo of a question the honor of Germany would have to be protected. He repeated it twice and caused rough aplodismenty9. Using a tribune of the Frankfurt parliament, Dalman proved: it is a controversial issue, the nationality is defined by language or not, in Shlezvige there live many Danes, but Utah are the German tribes which protected the birth rights in a revolutionary form and if before their question and hesitated, then only because of fear of the leading European powers. Truce, he considered, will destroy unity of Germanii10.

Dalman had many supporters, and not only from the liberal circles. During his speech repeatedly rough support to him was expressed levye11. The famous democrat R. Blum said that the relation of parliament to truce is a kind of test which will show, Germany in Prussia or on the contrary will be dissolved. Deputies confirmed intention to include Shlezvig in the union of the German states that caused an ovation in parliament which thereby showed the attitude to the Vienna system of the international relations.

So, national values so strongly prevailed at Dalman over liberal that he was inclined to cooperate with democrat republicans who prolagat a way to destructive actions and anarchy.

On September 16, 1848 from a former applause in the Frankfurt parliament practically nothing remained. Documents on truce were ratified, but with overweight in only 22 voices. Ministers of the central government led by Shmerling said that if truce is not ratified, it will resign. In such situation of Dalma - well, to the irreconcilable opponent of ratification, charged to head the new government, but liberal colleagues did not support him. V. Iordan who once put forward a slogan "All Danes - to the sea", believed now that the deviation of truce will strongly do much harm to world situation of Prussia. In parliament the compromise opinion was formed that truce - "is not a sentence of Germany". And as a result it became a reality. But in the same evening the revolt in Frankfurt under slogan "Save Honour of Germany and Brothers from Shlezviga-Golstein" 12 became a reality.

The position of the European powers did not allow the Frankfurt parliament to pursue foreign policy which would correspond to the national interests of Germany.

Dalman was disappointed. He saw manifestation of recklessness in ratification of this document, but believed that Germany still has a chance to find unity. This chance - the adoption of the imperial constitution. Discussion of its projects became the central issue of work of the Frankfurt parliament. Dalman and his colleagues perceived the empire as desire as the sum of powers which has to be determined by the German territories. He was also convinced of need of the hereditary and constant central power which needs to be entrusted to the house Gogentsoller-nov, and believed that it is necessary to give to her many rights. And then the new empire will really correspond to the status of the uniform state.

During discussion of the draft constitution the pro-Prussian positions Dahl-mana amplified: it eulogized Prussia, proving that only it will be able to express desires of all Germans. In January, 1849 on pages of "The German newspaper" Dalman asked: "What is expected by Germans from the head of the empire?" Also gave the laconic answer: "To protect laws which were adopted by national representation in Frankfurt and it there will be a power which greatness of adequately German people. Such answer turns our looks to Prussia, and it is necessary to take into account her wisdom" 13. Softening the fact of weak rootedness of the principles of freedom in Prussia, Dalman emphasized its flexibility, susceptibility to changes and creative potential: "As at the time Brandenburg created Prussia, so now Prussia, but in big scales and is more conscious, will make it with all Germany" 14. The pro-Prussian position of Dalman was explained also by his aspiration not to allow to amplify to the radical democratic directions and, of course, distribution in this kingdom of Protestantism.

When the "committee of 17" working under the leadership of Wasserman, and after Suaron, presented the project to the imperial constitution, that caused sharp rejection of democrats because of pro-imperial character.

Dalman already at a stage of preparation of the constitution prizytat to the fastest establishment of the temporary executive central power, motivating it with the fact that "in Russia defined to us (To the Frankfurt parliament. - N of R.) term in three weeks, and after that Germany would be cast into internal contentions" 15. Several times the politician spoke on this matter at sessions of parliament. He criticized the system of the executive power relying only on the principle of people's sovereignty and therefore agreeing on all the decisions with the National Assembly, and saw a direct way to establishment of the republic, and then and to anarchy in such option. Dalman believed that it is very dangerous and does not correspond to the political culture of the German people most of which part is adjusted promonarkhichesk, and offered an optimum, in his opinion, solution: the program from 8 points. It was supported by Klaussen, Dunker, a background of agern, von Mauyern, von Raumer, von Gauken, Vipperman, von Wuert, von Zenneti.

In the program it was talked of creation as the temporary higher authority of the Allied directory which would be competent in all affairs infringing on such interests of the German nation as safety, general welfare, army, diplomatic mission, questions of war and peace and would not interfere at the same time with the constitutional construction. The directory has to carry out the power through appointed by it and ministers, responsible before the National Assembly. It has to consist of 3 people who are appointed by the government, and the National Assembly gives on this consent on the basis of simple vote, without discussion. Members of a directory on behalf of the German government will participate in meetings of the National Assembly, but in it they would only have the right to vote when undergo the procedure of repeated elections, and without it combination of posts of members of a directory and the National Assembly was impossible. When the imperial constitution comes into force, activity of a directory and its ministers prekratitsya16.

During work on the imperial constitution Dalman together with Myul-feld from Vienna and R. von Mol was chosen for preparation of the section "Basic Rights of the German People". Developing this section, they sought to be guided by practical questions: a condition of the main forms of ownership, freedom of craft, the principles of the civil and state law, the relation of church and the states, also believed that all these rights have to come into force only after formation of the uniform government of Germany as their premature realization can lead to the victims. The Volshy controversy was caused by article about freedom of trade and about

customs duties. Dalman offered such list of the rights which would always provide personal liberty within the state. In total on the basis of this material 48 paragraphs were isolated.

June events of 1848 in France led to sharp democratization of ideas of human rights, however Dalman, Basserman, Gagern, Mol insisted on maintaining the principle of the state advantage (8sh18gaye80p) and did not allow compromises with democratically spirited deputies. Dalman not only did not show readiness for similar compromises, continuing to consider that "it is bad - to erase a difference between poverty and wealth as it exists and will exist until the state remains", but in the performances made an impression of the supporter of superficial liberalism. So, he was an opponent of office of church and the higher education from the state, believing that neither the science, nor belief, nor needs of the people will benefit from it. "In passionate desire to completely separate church from the state I recognize plans of the veiled love of power, as well as contrast of true love for freedom, a little state wisdom and in general there is not enough educated religious eagerness. If we give to the state that it is necessary for it, and we will satisfy requirements of church, then it we will not increase the power of the highest church prelates at all, however the free church community will bless our decisions." 17

Dalman made the proposals on structure of legislature. He opposed the requirement of democrats about establishment of unicameral parliament and supported the idea of the two-chamber representation consisting of chamber of the people (^¡к^Иаш) and chambers of the states (8Sh1epIash), believing that the last has to be formed as the senate of the U. S. Congress. Dalman participated in the debate on this question and said that the main reason in favor of two-chamber parliament is a variety which exists in the German states. "I think, - the speaker noted, - we will make the benefit if we create the chamber respecting this variety and founded on it, and we will call it chamber of the states" 18.

In the speech on December 6, 1848 Dalman proved already as experienced and very self-assured politician. Believing a question of two-chamber structure of parliament solved, he started discussion of number of representatives from each German state in chamber of the states and obviously showed at the same time the pro-Prussian positions, proving need of granting to Prussia of the greatest number of seats in the upper house of future German parlamenta19.

With the greatest enthusiasm Dalman defended the absolute veto of the monarch. On December 14, 1848 he performed about it with big and

the bright speech. The politician prizytat deputies to support this principle, dock-zytal that the absolute veto possesses rather ideal nature, than practical, but is the integral line of each real monarchic board which, according to him, immeasurably above republican. He appealed to the device of England and emphasized that since reign of the queen Anna the principle of the veto was not applied, but in case of extreme state need as rescue option it has to exist. "And yet I am convinced, - he said, - the English crown could and today in all extreme cases use the appropriate veto again" 20. On all objections that the principle of the absolute veto contradicts freedom, it firmly parried that it is not a question of freedom, but "a vital issue of the power": "Unless we gathered here to approve freedom in Germany?. Your intention to approve freedom for Germany is firm, but not its one, you have still an internal aspiration to create the power in future uniform Germany...". However Dalman warned against identification of the absolute veto with the absolutist modes of Austria and Prussii21 that did not prevent him to connect the future of Germany with Prussia.

Dalman's performances concerning creation in future uniform German state of two-chamber parliament and introduction of the principle of the absolute veto caused standing ovations from right-wing parties of the Frankfurt parliament and the right center. And its position in shlezvig-golsh-teynskom a question was approved by democrats and radicals. Dalman's behavior and his views are not deprived of serious contradictions, but he acted according to political and historical problems and the interests of the German North among which the shlezvig-golshteynsky question was the major and also ispypyvat strong influence of the political and cultural experience of Great Britain which strongly took roots as in Hanover, and other northern states of the German union. These factors became the matrix defining Dalman's positions in parliamentary debates in Frankfurt in 1848-1849

Dalman defended the principles of the low-German unity not only in words. The historian became the member of deputation which addressed the Prussian king Friedrich Wilhelm IV with the offer to become on the basis of the imperial constitution the emperor of Germany. The refusal of that of an imperial crown became for Dalman a peculiar denial of the image of Prussia created by it.

So, Dalman, being the liberal politician, showed a bit different option of the embodiment of the liberal doctrine, than leaders of the first generation of liberals of the German Southwest Rottek and Vel-ker. He gave strong preference to national values, long time

pinned hopes in the solution of "the German question" on Prussia. Values of civil society were present at his ideas and practice in a moderate look: it enough cool treated the theory of the natural right, was a supporter of the absolute veto of the monarch, two-chamber parliament. But Dalman never refused the principles of freedom therefore pro-Prussian sympathies in general became a peculiar cover of his national and political views which content was defined by traditions of the European German culture and Lutheranism.

1 See: Von Dahlmann enworfene Adresse der ordentlichen Professoren der Universität Bonn an K^ig Friedrich Wilhelm IV. 8. Mdte 1848//Dahlmann F.S. Kleine Schriften und Reden. Stuttgart, 1886. S. 375-377.
2 Ibid. S. 376.
3 Springer A. Friedrich Christoph Dahlmann. 2 Bde. Leipzig, 1870. Bd. 2. S. 213-217.
4 Freyer U. Das Vorparlament zu Frankfurt a. M. im Jahre 1848. Greifswald, 1913. S. 20-22.
5 Verhandlungen des Deutschen Parlaments. T. 1. Frankfurt am Main, 1848. S. 72.
6 Springer A. Op. cit. Bd. 2. S. 268.
7 Reden in der Pauliskirche 1848 und 1849. Reden Lber Schleswig-Holstein. Rede am 9. Juni 1848//Dahlmann F.S. Kleine Schriften und Reden. S. 422-423.
8 Ibid. S. 426.
9 Ibid. S. 427.
10 Reden in der Pauliskirche 1848 und 1849. Reden Lber Schleswig-Holstein. Rede am 9. Juni 1848. Bericht Lber den Malm^r Waffenstillstand am 5. September 1848//Dahlmann F.S. Kleine Schriften und Reden S. 427-434.
11 Ibid. S. 431, 432, 433, 434.
12 Spinger A. Op. cit. S. 299.
13 Dahlman F.C. Zur Beherzigung//Deutsche Zeitung. Frankfurt a. M. 1.Januar,
1849.
14 Ibid.
15 Dahlmann F.C. Reden in der Pauliskirche 1848 und 1849. über die Errichtung der provisorischen Centralgewalt fcr Deutschland.//Dahlmann F.C. Kleine Schriften und Reden. S. 422.
16 Ibid. S. 404-410.
17 Springer A. Op. cit. Bd.2. S. 301.
18 Dahlmann F.C. Reden in der Paulskirche 1848 und 1849. Reden Lber Staatenhaus//Dahlmann F.S. Kleine Schriften und Reden. S. 436.
19 Ibid. S. 442-443.
20 Ibid. S. 449-450.
21 Ibid. S. 451-452.
Chris Carter
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