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Transformation of elite of the German "conservative revolution" in the course of formation of the national socialist mode

UDK 94 (430).086


© 2009 urban districts Yu. Kutarev

Shakhty branch of Humanitarian institute, Shakhty Branch of Humanitarian Institute,

Sovetskaya St., 279, building 3, Shakhty, 346500 SovetskayaSt., 279, build. 3, Shakhty, 346500

Changes which happened in the ranks of adherents of "conservative revolution" in Germany of the first third of the 20th century, its reasons and results, the main attention are analyzed it is paid to an intellectual component of this historical phenomenon. Formation of the national socialist mode is opposed to revolutionary process.

The article devotes to the changes which occured among the supporters of "conservative revolution" in the first third of the XX century in Germany. The reasons and the results of "conservative revolution" are analyzed in this article. The intellectual aspect of this historical phenomenon is paid attention in it. The formation of the national-socialist regime is contrasted with a revolutionary process.

The concept of "conservative revolution" was born for "Great fear" which nature is perfectly shown And. Festival [1], fear of liberalism of the West and communism of the East. As R. Nixon wrote later if it is necessary to choose between the godless capitalism encouraging a profit and the godless communism approving strict egalitarianism, then we in a big trouble. Understanding of such trouble came to Western Europe and first of all to Germany. "Nobody knows who will lodge in this cage in the future and whether absolutely new prophets will appear by the end of this enormous development, or will begin great revival of the former ideas and ideals, or if there is neither that, nor another, there will come the mechanized existence which will brighten up something like convulsive feeling of own importance. Because will not be mistake to tell about the last stage of this cultural development: & #34; The Experts deprived of spirit, the sensationalists deprived of heart: and this pettiness imagines as if it reached such level of a civilization what earlier nobody reached", - M. Weber warned [2]. Directly or indirectly philosophical researches of apologists of conservative revolution laid the foundation of fascism and national socialism, and more the last. E. von Weizsekker precisely noticed that the Italian faceva il fascista "played" fascism as though being on the stage while Germans in their relation to national socialism were serious, methodical and consecutive. There is a grain of truth and in a joke that in Italy there are 80 million population as to 40 million fascists living in this country till 1943 it is necessary to add 40 million anti-fascists who were found after 1943

In works of various researchers the fascism is defined as the agent or the ally of capitalist layers, party of petty bourgeoisie, inevitable result of specific development of national history, the investigation of a certain stage of modernization of the country, result

certain social and psychological impulse, product of cultural and moral disintegration, specific form of domination of one person or form of manifestation of totalitarianism [3]. All listed signs are related to events of the German history therefore it is possible to consider conservative revolution in this country classical option of realization of "The third way". It gained the development practically right after November, 1918 when the anti-Weimar and anti-Versailles moods gained strength. Organizational registration in the form of NSDAP, Steel Helmet, SA and related to them structures happened in the early twenties. "None of those who read & #34; Main кампф" or heard Hitler's speeches, did not doubt his aspiration to break considerably all that at least bore a faint resemblance about liberalism and Education" [4]. At the same time it is impossible to put an equal-sign between conservative revolution and the National Socialist Movement because though the nationalism is present at conservative ideology, for national socialism nevertheless racism is more important. In the center of the NSDAP program there was an anti-Semitism making in some way the general frame of nationalist, anti-capitalist and anti-socialist requirements. In works of ideologists of conservative revolution anti-Semitism is looked through not so obviously, for example, at K. Schmitt: "World history is treated as fight of the pagan people among themselves... Jews stand at some distance and watch how people of the Earth mutually exterminate each other; this sacred slaughter and a slaughter is represented to them natural and & #34; кошерной". They eat flesh of the destroyed people and subjects live" [5]. As Schmitt writes in the preface, this work evolved from the reports read to them on January 21, 1938 i.e. after arrival of NSDAP to the power in Germany.

National socialists up to the total victory in 1933 had no monopoly for Pan-Germanism promotion. German national national steam -

Tia was extremely popular in the north of the country before the split in 1922, and after it sympathies were won by the stood apart German People's Party of freedom which received on elections on May 4, 1924 32 seats in the Reichstag (NSDAP even in 1928 received only 12 places). Besides, after the "fyurerprintsip" entered by Hitler on February 27, 1925 the "left wing" of national socialists focusing attention on anti-capitalist points of the program and grouped around brothers Strasserov worked more and more independently. Hitler put a lot of effort into that till a time to hold the movement within relative legality and tolerance to parliamentary forms of political activity [6]. Representatives of the German Resistance, as a rule, were also not supporters of liberalism. The participant of the "Krayzau circle" fighting against Nazism Adam von Trott tsu Zolts opposed "formal declaration of the principle of individual freedom which subjected to violence the being available realities of a national, historical, cultural and confessional sort" [7]. In "A red chapel" as Yu. Daniel found out, people with very various traditions, world outlook and political connections in search of alternatives to in the agony Weimar democracy and the national socialism which succeeded it gathered. The pro-Soviet orientation of group of Harnak and Schultz-Boyzena was rather an exception, than the rule for the German Resistance. Thus, fight against fascism did not mean opposition to conservative wave per se at all (and vice versa). Besides, there were organizations, similar to "A youth German award" ("Jungdeutsche Orden") - antidemocratic, but not national socialist orientation.

The movement woken by intellectual fathers of conservative revolution was rather motley on the political overtones. Sooner or later between the groups participating in it there had to be a dispute for the right to hold a revolutionary banner. Military and Steel Helmet, close to them (bypassing where it is possible, articles of the Treaty of Versailles), national socialists and their vanguard - SA (which concentrated the efforts first of all on fight against communists), nationalist parties of Centre, the German National People's Party (GNPP) and the German People's Party (GPP) acting through the most prominent representatives - Gugen-berg and Strezeman showing activity first of all in parliamentary activity could apply for leadership.

Basic provisions of the program of Centre were: in foreign policy - revanchist aspirations, in internal - creation of the social state and protection of interests of Catholic minority of Germany. After the party congress of 1928 when the prelate L. Kaas became the leader, the requirement of "the strong power" appeared. NNNP represented the interests of Lutheran church and exclusive layers of the German society. Gugenberg inclined to the union with NSDAP and entered into the transitional government of Hitler (January - June, 1933, and its party stopped the existence on June 28, 1933).

Franz von Papen considered Gugenberg the good administrator and the financial expert (but without inclinations of the leader), and Strezemana - the only large statesman generated by the Weimar era. By NNP the main political opponent considered SPD, conferring on it responsibility for events of 1918 Strezeman not for long headed the government (13.08. 1923 - 23.11.1923), then to the death in 1929 held a post of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Then the aspiration to the union with the right forces increased in NNP. Having lost the electorate, this political organization dissolved itself on June 27, 1933. The Centre party was keen on exclusively parliamentary fight and search of the union against socialists. Infinite compromises prevented it to become force directing the course of conservative revolution. The party still keeping influence on a considerable part of voters at the crucial moment voted for providing emergency powers to Hitler, and "in an award" was dismissed by the last (on July 3, 1933).

Thus, the main contribution of Centre, NNNP and NNP to conservative revolution can be considered their avoiding active independent fight. "The Weimar system was not destroyed by her enemies, and fell owing to a legislative vacuum and self-switching off of parliament" [8]. Position of army was defined on November 10, 1918 when between its headquarters (i.e. Gin-denburgy and Gryonery) and the leader of social democrats F. Ebert the alliance was concluded. Officers went to work to the new mode, but the head of a reykhsver Reinhardt set two conditions: first, the army command has to have accurate structure, and secondly, it was necessary to eliminate the power of soldier's committees. In the education act of a temporary reykhsver (on March 6, 1919) no word was told about soldier's councils. The big historical merit of Reinhardt, according to the first chief of staff, was that he by direct actions prevented People's Deputies and the first president of a Reich to accept a radical course. In March, 1920 its place was taken by von Sekt. In a reykhsver officers of the "free cases" fighting against everything that warmed up "Bolshevism" and separatism, but existing without legal basis directed. Though the generals speaking on behalf of army in every possible way emphasized its "political apathy", armed forces of the country willy-nilly appeared the conservative movement in the forefront.

About that how ordinary business for the population of Germany was a care of revival of army, L. Shteydle's memoirs demonstrate, in particular: "Once in 1924 the friends brought guns, revolvers, hand-grenades and cartridges from Munich. We hid all this in the estate. It became then in other country yards, even in monasteries. In effect, in such a way - it is more or less conscious - shelters for a black reykhsver, the fighting organization which worked against revolutionary working class were created. At that time already in many communities the ideology was imbued with nationalist spirit. Reached that on some lonely hu-

Torahs hid aircraft engines with spare parts" [9]. They also contain enough information on popularity in the country environment of the monarchic ideas characteristic of outlook of the military personnel of advanced age and members of the Steel Helmet organization. The mentioned association approached NSDAP on the basis of nationalist views of his members. The union of the former veterans very much will help Hitler in the first days after his coming to power on January 30, 1933, having announced through the representative of F. Zeldte support of the new chancellor. Later in "gratitude" for it Hitler will divide members of Steel Helmet between SA and SD, and Zeldte will appoint the Minister of Labour.

The fact that the nationalism adjoining on racism was widespread in Wehrmacht now is seldom called in question. Long time historical researches in Germany bypassed anti-Semitism subject in army of the German Empire, the Weimar republic, in days of national socialism, denied continuity of existence of this image of the enemy, and responsibility for his indisputable existence during World War II was conferred on national socialism. However interrelations are obvious. It is about a census of the Jewish population of 1916, about the political murders of Jewish politicians in the first years of the Weimar republic committed by the German officers about "the Aryan paragraph" of the union of soldiers-veterans of Steel Helmet in the 1920th, about introduction of such point in a reykhsver in 1934 and about the subsequent policy of destruction [10]. "the partial identity of the purposes" of officer corps and a top of the Nazi movement consisted in it [11]. 1, 2 and 22 points of the NSDAP Program adopted on February 24, 1920 quite coincided with expectations of military: 1. Association of all Germans in borders of Great Germany; the 2. Refusal of conditions of the Treaty of Versailles and confirmation of the right of Germany to independently build the relations with other nations; 22. Replacement of hired professional army by national army, introduction of a general compulsory military service.

Another thing is that the same program contained 6 paragraphs of the "left" requirements: 11. Illegally got profit is subject to confiscation; 12. All profits got due to war are subject to confiscation; 13. All large enterprises have to be nationalized; 14. Participation of workers and employees in profits on all large productions; 15. Decent old-age pension; 16. It is necessary to support small producers and dealers, large shops have to be transferred to them. Directly conditionally the 19th point answered the purpose of conservative revolution: the common Roman law has to be replaced with "the German right"; certainly - only the 25th: the strong central power capable it is effective to carry out the legislation. The "socialist" component did not contradict the anti-liberal installations. However in itself it interfered with merge to the conservative movement. Actually, originally the party had also no such purpose. Understanding of public requirements and identification of sympathies of voters came in the course of accumulation of experience of political struggle. Ideas

property equality are rather popular in the society enduring an economic crisis. It is not surprising that the surge in popularity of NSDAP is noted in 1929 (beginning of "A great depression"). It also coincides with growth of militarist propaganda.

Since 1929 in Germany there is a set of the nationalist books and movies devoted to war [12]. In this situation the support of financial and industrial circles was extremely important for the party aspiring to the power. And the dictatorship protecting their interests was necessary for the mentioned circles. Without real electoral support the power in Germany of that time was possible only as totalitarian; the old political elite which is brought up in aristocratic spirit was not capable to create such mode. Heads of the German industry needed the "right" dictator ready to protect the country from establishment of the "left" mode. And material support was necessary for Hitler and his party. Yu. Kuchinsky and K. Gos-svaylera's works are devoted to consideration of the relations of monopolistic groups and NSDAP. Yu. Kuchinsky claims that owners of new industries (chemistry, electrical equipment) were wary of NSDAP, supporting republican board. Heads of the old industries (coal, metallurgical) acted as carriers of authoritative installations. The first wished restriction of bourgeois and parliamentary institutes, and the second sought for elimination of a parliamentary system in Germany. The last put pressure upon Hindenburg in a question of appointment of Hitler the Reichs chancellor [13].

K. Gossvayler criticizes idea of owners of the "new" industries as to the liberal group of the financial and industrial capital, and "old" - as reactionary and conservative. He considers that these groups are bound to impossibility of independent identification. The liberal and reactionary trends were presented in all groups of the industrial and financial capital [14]. U. Shearer, referring to O. Dietrich, dates the beginning of active cooperation of Hitler with industrial magnates 1931. Dietrich writes in the memoirs that "everything began with Hitler's friendship with Emil Kirdorf, the head of the Ruhr coal syndicate", and is final "ice was cracked" only in 1932 when "Goering established close ties with Fritz Tissen, the leader & #34; Steel шлема" and that at a meeting of industrialists of Düsseldorf openly supported Hitler" [15]. But "socialist" points of the program of the last in this connection Hitler frankly declared that "with this word & #34 could prevent the union of oligarchy with NSDAP; социализм" continuous problems" [16]. The union with capitalists meant leaving a waterway of conservative revolution "to the right". Partly its ideals were kept in the program by Strassera's brothers though the model of state system offered by them can hardly be considered strictly centralized and anyway it is impossible to call militaristic. "In the field of economy we opposed both capitalism, and against

Marxism. We assumed to construct harmonious economy on the basis of peculiar state feudalism. The state had to become the only owner of land which it will lease to certain citizens... In the field of economy we refused totalitarianism in favor of federalism. The parliament had to consist not of representatives of parties, and of representatives of various social groups (Influence of the idea of the corporate state. - OK). Germany has to be decentralized and broken into cantons on the Swiss sample. Prussia. would lose hegemony and simply would stop the existence. Prosperity of the country needs to be provided with nationalization of the heavy industry and distribution of large estates as the state property. Under the new constitution it was provided to create small professional army or a territorial militia on the Swiss sample" [16]. Their plans contradicted the 22nd and 25th points of the NSDAP Program and also imperial ambitions of ideologists of conservative revolution.

"More to the left" Strasserov took positions E. Ram with the attack planes. He called for commission "national socialist, and first of all socialist revolution" and also "sending the traitor Hitler to a long holiday". The last point of the program of Ram predetermined a fight with potential "holiday-maker". Hitler onboard the battle ship "Deutschland" signed on April 11, 1934 the contract with Blomberg, in particular, about support by Wehrmacht of the action directed against SA. The Fuhrer paid special attention to strengthening of Parts CC though formally their head Mr. Himmler submitted to Ram [17]. Scores with Ram and G. Strasser were reduced on June 30, 1934. Many observers came to conclusion that "night of long knives" was an attack on ideology of the left wing of the National Socialist Movement. However it is impossible to call murder of Edgar Jung to which attributed authorship of "The Marburg speech" of von Papen (Papen, probably, too was not in perfect security) blow to the "left" forces. "Night of long knives" was that natural establishment of dictatorship which usually completes any revolutionary process. When, having headed the government, Hitler declared the end of national socialist revolution in 1933, it was not the full truth. Actually "night of long knives" in which the political elite capable to compete with the leader of the German people was destroyed became its end. Hitler spoke at the time to Raushningu: "Where there are we, there is no place to nobody else", but could tell more precisely: "Where there are I...".

Till that time while in the national movement various groups to some extent expressing ideals of conservative revolution remained, confessors of this movement could be quiet for the fate of the child. The final victory of "the right wing" under the leadership of Hitler meant the "termidoriansky" final of revolution. "Night of long knives" became a sentence not so much political a lead -

frames of conservative revolution, how many to its intellectual elite. "Night" was the blow to ideals of the Movement struck according to relentless logic of political struggle.

What objectives of conservative revolution were achieved in Germany by 1934 and what - are not present? The anti-Communist and antidemocratic principles were implemented. Authoritarian regime developed into totalitarian, the repressive device was created. The national idea was transformed to frank racism. Imperial ambitions led to world war, defeat in which predetermined the crash of the mode in general. Though the prestige of the person of work increased a little, dealers and bankers at least kept, and many also strengthened the positions. If a considerable part of the German society also like officially spread ideals, then it did not mean checkmate of church and devaluation of petty-bourgeois values at all. At once after the crash of the third Reich they took the habitual place in the hearts of people.

It is unlikely it is possible to draw a conclusion on the safe end of the German conservative revolution of the 1930th. It did not find the full material embodiment, but continued existence as reminiscence of search of "The third way", potentially keeping the ideological appeal.


1. Festival I.K. Hitler. Perm, 1993. T. 1. Page 151-178.
2. WeberM. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism/Translated by Tallcot Parsons. N.Y., 1958. P. 182.
3. See: V. V. The European fascism in comparison 1922-1982/lane with it. A.I. Fedorova. Novosibirsk, 2000. URL: kow/POLI-TOLOG/fascio.txt (date of the address: 10.09. 2008).
4. Winkler H.A. Der lange Weg nach Westen. Deutsche Geschichte. Muenchen, 2002. Bd. 2. S. 552-555.
5. K. Schmitt. A leviathan in the doctrine about Thomas Hobbes's state. Sense and fiasco of one political symbol / lane with it. D.V. Kuznitsyna. SPb., 2006. Page 116.
6. See: Kuhnl R. Die nationalsozialistische Linke 19251930. Meisenheim, 1966; Wortz U. Programmatik und Führerprinzip. Das Problem des Strasser-Kreises in der NSDAP. Phil. Diss. Erlangen, 1966; M. H. Kele. Nazis and Workers. Chapel Hill, 1972; Notes of W. Führerideologie und Parteiorganisation in der NSDAP (1919-1933). Düsseldorf, 1982; Huttenberger P. Die Gauleiter. Studie zum Wandel des Machtgefuges in der NSDAP. Stuttgart, 1969.
7. Mommsen H. Gesellschaftsbild und Verfassungspläne des deutschen Widerstands. Widerstand im Dritten Reich. Probleme, Ereignisse, Gestalten. Frankfurt am Main, 1994. S. 41.
8. Erdmann K. - D. Die Geschichte der Weimarer Republik als Problem der Wissenschaft. Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 1955. H. 1. S. 16.
9. L. Shteydle. From Volga to Weimar. M, 1975. Page 78.
10. See: Wette W. Die Wehrmacht. Feindbilder, Vernichtungskrieg, Legenden. Frankfurt am Main, 2002.
11. Messerschmidt M. Die Wehrmacht im NS-Staat. Die Zeit der Indoktrination. Hamburg, 1969. S.15.
12. Wette W. Von Kellogg bis Hitler (1928-1933). Die offen-tliche Memung zwischen Kriegsachtung und Kriegsverherrlichung. In Holl/Wette (Hrsg), Pazifismus in der Weimarer Republik Beitrage zur historischen Friedensforschung. Paderborn, 1981. S. 149-172.
13. Yu. Kuchinsky. Essays on stories of state-monopoly capitalism in Germany from 1918 to 1945 M., 1963.

Came to edition

14. K. Gossvayler. Financial capital, industrial monopolies, state (1919-1932). M, 1971.
15. O. Dietrich is twelve years old with Hitler. Memoirs of the imperial head of the press. 1933 - 1945 / transl. from English L.A. Igorevsky. M, 2007. Page 160 - 161.
16. Strasser O. Hitler and I. Rostov N / D, 1999. Page 153.
17. See: WegnerB. Hitlers politische Soldaten: Die Waffen-SS 1933-1945. Leitbild, Struktur und Funktion einer nationalsozialistischen Elite. 3. Aufl. Paderborn, 1988.

On October 9, 2008

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