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Pseudo-liberalism & #34; educated абсолютизма" Catherine II and protoliberal ideas of the Russian educators



e. V. Salnikov

PSEVDOLIBERALIZM of "the EDUCATED ABSOLUTISM" of CATHERINE II AND the PROTOLIBERAL IDEAS of RUSSIANS

EDUCATORS

Work is presented by department of philosophy of the St. Petersburg state polytechnical university. The research supervisor - the Doctor of Philosophy, professor V.P. Goryunov

Capitalism already in embryo found the universal character, idea connaflbHbie not an exception. The Russian Education adopts and correlates social philosophical doctrines of the western educators to the Russian reality, so there is a nutrient medium for future bourgeois ideologies.

Capitalism demonstrated its universal nature even in the incipient condition; social ideas were not an exception. The Russian Enlightenment adopts and correlates social and philosophical doctrines of west enlighteners with the Russian reality, provoking a nutritive medium for future bourgeois ideologies.

Development of the industry in the leading countries led to rapid growth of the world market and aggravation of the competition between powers. It pushed Russia to need of creation of own industry capable to equip due

image army and the fleet and to profit in international trade. Therefore in tsarist Russia, contrary to strengthening and bringing to apogee of absolutism and a serfdom (during Catherine II's reign there is an enslaving of many

hundreds of thousands of state peasants and operation strengthening), in the bowels of feudal society the maturing of the capitalist relations continues, there is a further development of the industry and trade. The industrial enterprises increased production, using work as the serfs who are violently attached to factories and the plants, and civilian workers.

Thus, for Russia of the second half of the 18th century there is applicable a characteristic used by K. Marx in the letter N.F. Daniyelsona whom he stated the beginnings of the 18th century concerning France: "Financial, trade and industrial superstructure or rather facade of the public building... looked a sneer at a zastoynost of the main industry of production (agricultural) and hunger among producers" 1. Let's note that the Russian facade differed in big defects.

Nevertheless civilian work at once found the advantages, but having a trend to increase in the weight, still long time coexisted hardly serfs. Such situation first of all is explained by the fact that the Russian autocracy is a feudal state and by this nature could not assume that the nobility lost huge stocks of gratuitous labor, and thereby the economic and political domination.

The first manifestations of capitalism at once found its essence which was expressed by K. Marx in the main work "Capital", using a successful metaphor: "The capital is a dead work which as the vampire comes to life only when soaks up live work and lives the more stoutly, than it absorbs more live work" 2. For this the "live work" presented by the numerous serf peasantry there are collisions between two classes - noblemen-landowners and capitalists,

representatives of new society as a result of whom "merchants and capitalists won to themselves the right to have at the factories and the plants of the attributed peasants, lost it. In 1762 they finally lost it" 3.

All the 18th century in the history of Russia is a continuous class fight of the serf worker against the oppressor. Tongues of flame country vystupleniy4 reached the highest heights during Peasant war of 1774-1775 under the leadership of E. Pugachev and, despite spontaneity, disorganization and also czarist illusions of participants of a revolt, destroyed serfdom bases, made active aspiration of serfs to release and created the soil for the statement in Russia of the new bourgeois relations.

Emergence of large-scale industry accelerated the movement of the Russian society from feudalism by capitalism, but at the head of this process there was the autocratic and feudal state solving the urgent needs. This fact reflects a true ratio of forces between the nobility and the early bourgeoisie, shows weakness of the last and confirms solvency of noble hegemony that inevitably finds the ideological reflection.

The aspiration of representatives of not nobility to live on monarchic curves was noted in the note "About needs of the Russian Empire" (1799) by the chancellor, the prince A.A. Bezborodko. He considered that our lower classes "are insured from it "intellectual debauchery" as "the French imaginary equality" because in Russia "each of smaller preferred to try to obtain bigger personally. Otpushchayemy on will the peasant or state poselyanin tries to be a merchant, and the grown rich merchant - the official or the nobleman". Bezborodko extremely precisely grabbed the trend characteristic of the 18th century

(and still more for the first half of the 19th century) - aspiration even of potentially bourgeois layers (free, state peasants, merchants, petty bourgeoises) to live on-feodalnomu5.

This fact once again confirms fidelity of the following methodological remark: before passing to the analysis of ideological formations, it is necessary to study material conditions in which they are shown, only then there will be perhaps scientific knowledge. But the experience which received check in laboratories of historical materialism was ignored by many issledovatelyami6. Basing the conclusions on the outer, ideological sides of the phenomenon, stopping on subjectivity, refusing consideration of all set of the public relations, they conducted science in the false way, creating new and new goods for the market of social mystifications.

Certain "researchers", referring to Catherine II's hobby for the philosophical and socio-political ideas of the western educators, compositions of Bekkaria, Russo, Voltaire, Montesquieu and Helvetius, draw conclusions that she is nearly the first liberal of the Russian Empire or, as a last resort, that in her life it is necessary to allocate the period when it was not selflessly betrayed to the liberal ideals and tried to realize them in practice. Existence of similar delusions in the 19th century was noted by K. Marx: "A thought to expose Russia the defender of liberalism and national aspirations it is not new. The whole crowd of the French educators glorified Catherine as the standard-bearer of progress" 7.

It is necessary to divide - one business of a wish and dream, another - reality. Reality is that the serfdom is "a basis of the autocratic monarchy, i.e. the states of the largest land owners" 8. Therefore, having made the requirement of an abolition of serfdom in the conditions of domination in economic and on -

lytic life of Russia of the nobility, Catherine would be immediately detached from a throne. Knowing cruel tradition of political struggle in feudal societies, it is possible to assume that in a similar case her life would not cost also a bean. Besides, even in the most "liberal" texts and statements Catherine II never refused the autocratic form of government because "any other board not only would be harmful to Russia, but also at the end is ruinous". Therefore Catherine II as the personified expression of the serf state, never perceived the educational ideas as a pretext to action, and only as a peculiar entertainment.

That Catherine II's hobby and her environments for the educational ideas performed function of an intellectual game, how quickly representatives of aristocratic elite when the monarchist system of one of the leading continental European powers - France - was swept away by the revolutionary wave which swept under banners on which in the form of slogans there was a print of educational ideals refused it demonstrates. As the empress's secretary A.V. Hrapovitsky remembered subsequently, news of adoption of the constitution by the king caused "perceptible disappointment" in Catherine, but, having learned about the king's execution, "Her Majesty got sick in a bed, both is sick, and is sad" 9.

Reaction to revolutionary events confirms again that protection of autocracy, anti-revolutionism, conservatism - the true maintenance of policy of Catherine II, unlike the liberal game. In Russia the question of overthrow of the monarchy did not stand yet. But Catherine II curtailed at once the liberal masquerade which and now puts many in confusion.

Moreover, there are no bases to put an equal-sign between liberalism and enlightenment. Undoubtedly, the exercises which arose at the beginning of capitalism and the idea epo-

hi Educations are in essence liberalism harbingers, but it is not liberalism yet. However, following the valid historical dynamics of society, first of all social and economic changes, the educational ideas will receive the further distribution, but at the same time undergo significant changes and are complemented with other concepts which will be perceived subsequently by genetically set. Ideology of the age of Enlightenment, using V.F. Pus-tarnakov's terminology, is protoliberalnoy10, potentially liberal, preceding classical liberalism. Though he explains it not with backwardness of Russia in the capitalist plan, and deficiency of sense of justice of the Russian society which is a consequence of this backwardness. History once again provides the material confirming that ideologies, and the liberalism is not an exception, "find in traditions, tendencies, passions, customs, in not healing scars of political struggle of the past... motives for the autonomous life, for feed as false consciousness" 11.

The ideological dope of the age of Enlightenment struck among the Russian autocrats not only Catherine, but also future successor Pavel Petrovich, however, as one would expect, and this attempt was doomed to failure. Subsequently and other Russian emperors used the liberal phrase as in small talk from time to time to emphasize the education, and seeking to hide an essence of autocratic policy, true, independent of "good wishes" of monarchical persons.

However there were also those who perceived these ideas in other light. The Russian education, having begun with the translations of works of ancient classics, humanists of Renaissance, the English philosophers materialists and modern French prosvetiteley12,

received as a result of a reflection over the Russian reality in the course of the annex of concepts to it of "perfect society", "reasonable organization" of the state and open discussion of a country question, political it is pointed - a nost. Russian educators, but not philosophizing empress were those who saw an opportunity to transform backward Russian reality and to direct Russia on the way of "universal progress", previously having broken archaic fetters of a serfdom. The Russian educators belonged to the category of people for whom these ideas were not a simple tribute of fashion. The educated and progressive representatives of the nobility began to think of reorganization of the Russian society, of regularities of historical process.

Historiosophical reasonings of E.S. Desnitsko-go that the mankind progressively passes four steps in the historical development can be an example of that: the first step - when people led a vagrant life, were engaged in hunting and collecting ready-made products of the nature; the second - when people passed to occupation with cattle breeding; the third - when they began to be engaged in agriculture; the fourth - when passed to "a commercial state"; he considered the last step the highest form of public life. In political measurement he was quite conservative: "The monarch All-Russian - in the Russian church and the empire is the autocrat". The main confirmation of his conservatism was the fact that E.S. Desnitsky did not condemn the serfdom and did not call for its cancellation.

The most outstanding figures of enlightenment concentrated around educational magazines (satirical magazines of N.I. Novikov "Drone" and the "Painter" leaving in 1769-1773),

the interests of the becoming Russian bourgeoisie but which did not reach understanding as a class for itself yet objectively became a loud-hailer. In them the serfdom, unlike estimates of predecessors, was criticized not only in terms of economy and law, but also and from morality positions (on numerous examples the immorality of a serfdom was shown), you should not forget that N.I. Novikov first of all the humanist.

of the Critic of serf orders, polemic with Catherine, opening of true contents her politicians almost did not leave the place for faith in "the educated monarch". It inevitably ended with pressure from the autocratic power and, at last, in the summer of 1773 closing of magazines. From pages of these magazines the Russian readers learned about events not only on the European continent, but also news across the ocean, the course of war of America for independence, at the same time sympathies for Americans openly were expressed. Moreover, N.I. Novikov considered that the proclaimed republic will become "a shelter of freedom expelled from Europe".

But among the Russian educators there were also those who saw archaism of the monarchy in general and were the convinced republicans. The most striking example is represented by A.N. Radishchev who considers autocracy as a state, "the very unpleasant to human nature". Unlike Che. Montesquieu distinguishing the educated monarchy and a despotism, A.N. Radishchev put an equal-sign between all options of a monarchist system. The tsar - "the murderer, foremost in society, the foremost robber, the foremost traitor". Radishchev did not trust in a possibility of emergence on a throne of the educated monarch: "There is no educated monarch and will not be" - and it was convinced that freedom should be expected not from "kind landowners", and from unreasonable weight of enslavement, koto-

a swarm forces the people to look for ways of the release.

In a bosom of enlightenment the foundation of liberalism which then in the course of the evolution will be mastered and will included in the distorted look by a soder - a zhaniye of the subsequent and previous story of the Russian society and also powerful layer of world culture and history are laid. And the attentive researcher will find out at once that in protoliberalism of an Ekaterina's era two modifications - russoistsky, gained development in the new liberal doctrine and democratism are obviously allocated; and gobssovsky, embodied in noble liberalism of the second half of the 19th century. The classical liberalism owing to social and economic backwardness of serf Russia was not fated to be shown fully, its distribution was limited to several university departments and short-term polemic on pages of magazines which were also available only to a narrow circle of people.

Summing up the result, we will note that the prevalence of monarchic moods and elitism, almost total anti-democratism characterize the protoliberal views of the second half of the 18th century. It is caused first of all by indisputable domination of the feudal relations over capitalist. Therefore the bourgeoisie could count only that the autocracy favourably to it, in other words, the bourgeoisies owing to its weakness will was necessary to get on with the aristocracy. Thus, the fact that economic obsolescence of the serf of Russia promoted nonformalization of class ideology of the Russian bourgeoisie turned out. However the bourgeoisies of characteristic of protoliberalism shown at a stage of formation did not disappear completely, they left a noticeable mark in the history of this class in XIX and the beginning of the 20th century

28 1
1 K. Marx, Engels. F. Sobr. soch. the 2nd prod. M, 1960. T. 34. Page 292-293.
2 In the same place. Page 244.
3 Nevsky V. Istoriya of RCP(b). Short essay. L.: Surf, 1926. Page 7.
4 In the 60th of the 18th century in the central and east provinces of Russia the wave of peasants' revolts in which (according to official figures) about 100 thousand peasants of church manors, 100 thousand peasants attributed to the mountain plants and 50 thousand peasants of landowner manors at the same time participated swept.
5 I.F. Hudushina. Tsar. God. Russia. Consciousness of the Russian nobility (the end of XVIII - the first third of the 19th centuries). M.: IFRAN., 1995. Page 95-96.

> Not to consider examples 6, I will list only some of researchers: V.V. Leontovich, L.I. Novikova, I.N. Sizemskaya, I.D. Osipov, A.V. Gordon and many others.

7 K. Marx, Engels. T. Decree. soch. Page 511.
8 Nevsky Century. Decree. soch. Page 9.
9 A.V. Hrapovitsky. Diary. 1782-1793. M, 1902. Page 219, 246. Tsit. on: I.F. Hudushina. Decree. soch. Page 91-92.
10 Liberalism in Russia / Under the editorship of V.F. Pustarnakov and I.F. Hudushina. M.: IFRAN, 1996. Page 52.
11 Scientific communication between generations//the Bulletin Internationalist. 2004. No. 27.
12 From 1767 to 1777 the Russian educators translated and issued by separate collections more than 400 articles which defined the ideological Encyclopedias direction: "Policy", "Political economy", "Board", "Despotic board", "Constitutional monarchy", "Democracy", "Autocrats", "Tyrant", "Usurper", "Natural right", etc., about 60 works by Voltaire, "Spirit of laws" of Montesquieu and many others.
Kevin Ramirez
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