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The global economic crisis (1929-1933) and establishment in Germany of Nazi domination

E.H. Kulkov *



Article analyzes the reasons of coming to power of the National socialist German Labour Party (NSDAP). The author shows as a Nazi top, using socialist and anti-capitalist slogans, popular with masses in the conditions of the begun global economic crisis, kindled their desire to be exempted from "the Versailles dictatorship" and, at the same time, sought to infect them with the chauvinistic and racist ideas, to impart them hostility to communistic and social democratic parties and also to any liberal and democratic organizations.

The crash of the kayzerovsky empire during the November revolution of 1918, defeat of Germany in World War I and extremely severe conditions of the Versailles peace treaty dictated by it the Entente - all this for many years caused the hidden and obvious deep feeling of discontent in most of Germans. The humiliating Treaty of Versailles and the Weimar constitution of 1919 adopted by the National Assembly on the basis of which the republican form of government was established in their eyes were, first of all, result of capitulation before the Entente. On that part on * Evgeny Nikolaevich Kulkov is a candidate of historical sciences, the senior research associate of Institute of general history of RAS.

lytic circles which were forced to accept conditions of the Treaty of Versailles and carried out transition from monarchic to the democratic form of government, the spot of weakness and even treachery of interests of the nation from the very beginning laid down. Old monarchic and militaristic forces continued to work in the country, there were new, even more aggressive groups and parties of nationalist sense for which fight against "the Versailles dictatorship" and democracy was the same. During fight they set before themselves the purpose to establish the authoritative form of government, to destroy the Versailles system, to take a revenge for defeat in World War I. The German Labour Party formed in March, 1919 by A. Dreksler renamed in February, 1920 into the National socialist German Labour Party (NSDAP) became one of such parties. In July, 1921 A. Hitler became her head. The program announced at a congress in Munich on February 24, 1920 included points calculated on creation of mass base to the Nazi movement: "nationalization of all large enterprises", "participation of workers and employees in profits on all large productions", providing with "decent old-age pensions", "support of small producers and dealers; "large shops have to be transferred to them", "reform of land tenure and the termination of speculation in the earth", "introduction of the death penalty for speculation", "support of motherhood and promotion of development of youth", etc. At the same time the program appealed to nationalist feelings of the population. It contained requirements to achieve "association of all Germans in borders of Great Germany", "refusal of conditions of the Treaty of Versailles and confirmation of the right of Germany to independently build the relations with other nations", to fight for acquisition of "additional territories for production of food and resettlement of the increasing German population". Intending to reach expansion of German "living space" by means of force, Nazis included in the program the requirement about "introduction of a general compulsory military service" and "replacement of hired professional army with national army". The program contained points according to which providing nationality in Germany had to be carried out only on "racial sign". In particular it was claimed that Germans can only be citizens, but not Germans, first of all "Jews, cannot be citizens of Germany". To all persons of the non German blood Nazis demanded to close entrance in stranu1.

Nazis originally tried to seize power in Germany by a violent revolution. But the attempt undertaken by them on November 9, 1923 in Munich to organize a so-called "campaign to Berlin" suffered a failure. NSDAP was temporarily forbidden, and her Fuhrer Hitler in February, 1924 appeared in prison. During the conclusion the book "My Fight" which became the political Bible for Nazis was written to them. In 9 months Hitler was released and started restoration and expansion of the movement with the purpose to achieve legal entry into the power. At the same time the Nazi party had the specifics which initially distinguished it from conservative parties of old type. Her "leaders" considering distribution of the socialist ideas among a people at large ryaditsya in a toga of revolutionaries, defenders of interests of the nation, expecting to extend such way the influence on working class. This installation was reflected already in the name of Nazi party, in the crimson banners with a swastika chosen as one of elements of symbolics of the movement and in forms of its advocacy activity. The Nazi management was not limited to the edition of newspapers and leaflets, holding meetings and congresses. It widely used non-parliamentary forms of fight, the applied really labor parties: staged meetings, demonstrations, torch processions.

In the first post-war decade the Nazis did not enjoy confidence of representatives of the large capital because of "revolutionism". However gradually, thanks to explanations of heads of the Nazi movement all of them more made sure that "anti-capitalist"" points of the Nazi program have no relation to the purposes of the Nazi movement and are intended for manipulation of public consciousness. In 1928 Hitler published a special explanation to the program in which it was specified that "the National Socialist German Workers Party costs because of a private property" and opposes only "the Jewish societies speculating with the land plots" 2. At the same time Nazi Fuhrers continued to hire to themselves supporters, claiming that they allegedly support socialism. One of them, A. Rosenberg on the congress of representatives of the local party organizations in Nuremberg in August, 1929, said that "socialism for us not only holding the actions exciting the people and not only the political economic and socio-political scheme. All this what belongs to intrinsic values... Socialism and nationalism are not contrasts, and on the deepest essence the same" 3.

In the propaganda activity the Nazi top used socialist and anti-capitalist slogans, popular in masses, kindled their desire to be exempted from "the Versailles dictatorship" and, at the same time, sought to infect them with the chauvinistic and racist ideas, to impart them hostility to Marxism, communistic and social democratic parties and also to any liberal and democratic organizations. Thus, they sought to entice in the networks as much as possible people from wide circles of the population. However prior to the beginning of the global economic crisis of NSDAP could not take a little influential place among other political parties of the Weimar republic.

In the years of relative stabilization of capitalism the number of supporters of the Nazi movement in masses did not increase, and decreased. On elections to the Reichstag in May, 1924 NSDAP received 1.9 million votes (6.5%) of voters, and in May, 1928 - 810 thousand (2.6%) 4. At the same time her main opponents - communists and social democrats - enjoyed the increasing support at voters. SPD had the largest number of supporters. In May, 1924 she received more than 6 million (25.6%), and in May, 1928 - 9.2 million (24.5%) voices. KPG respectively received at first 3.7 million (12.6%), and then - 3.3 million (10.6%) voices.

SPD which could write down into the account a serious victory on elections of 1928 received a post of the Reichs chancellor which became her chairman Mr. Müller and also a number of influential ministerial posts. The chief theorist of social democracy R. Gilferding, the author of the theory of "organized capitalism" according to which the enormous industrial associations arising at that time, cartels, trusts, etc. were allegedly historically progressive phenomenon, introduction in capitalism of "the socialist principle of planned economy" became the Minister of Finance. The government included also representatives of the Democratic Party (DP), Catholic party of Centre and German People's Party (DFP), a part of industrialists, representing the interests loyal to the republican form of government. With formation of this government of "grand coalition" it seemed that on the way of Nazis to the power the reliable barrier is put. Together with the German National People's Party (DNFP) representing the interests of extremely conservative circles of the capital they made opposition to Müller's government.

The government of "grand coalition" which was guided by the Union of Labor and the capital saw the main opponent not in Nazism and conservatism, and in revolutionary workers and KPG. On May 1, 1929 from its sanction the Berlin police opened fire at participants of 200-thousand protest which was directed by communists. Many workers were killed and wounded.

After coming to power of the government of Müller it was much told also about threat to the republic from extreme conservatives and NSDAP, but nothing became to prevent growth of this threat. It facilitated to Nazis in days of the global economic crisis which rendered the most destructive influence in comparison with other capitalist countries on economy and society of Germany to leave number of political outsiders, to get admission to the power, and then to completely seize power in the hands.

By the beginning of the global economic crisis the Weimar republic was stronger than the German Empire before World War I. On the total amount of industrial output it won first place in Europe and the second place in the world. But at the same time its dependence on the environment developing in the world market sharply increased. Growth of its industry in many respects was explained by injection in it the foreign capital. In 1924 — 1929 it received, generally from the USA, 10 — 15 billion brands of long-term and 7 billion brands of the short-term credits, having paid at the same time not

more than 9 billion brands as reparations to powers-pobeditelnitsam5. Need in due time to repay the loans and to allocate a part of income for payments for reparations to other countries was one of weaknesses of the German economy. Besides, Germany was poor in minerals and therefore to increase production capacities it constantly increased export of various raw materials: iron ore, non-ferrous metals, oil, rubber, etc. The agricultural sector provided needs of the population for food only for 80%. Therefore it was necessary to import also agricultural products. Funds for import of all missing goods could be received only thanks to revenues from export of finished goods to other countries. The Soviet Union was one of the main trade partners of Germany. From 1925 to 1937 the USSR covered a kind quarter of the import with import from Germany. In 1928 the export made 30% of all import to the Soviet Union of Germany. The environment of domestic market of Germany remained modest. Only in 1927 the level of the gross domestic product (GDP) of pre-war 1913 was reached. Readiness for receiving investments continued to lag behind the level of investments. Indicators of labor productivity remained in a condition of stagnation and not to time did not reach pre-war level. Unemployment was not likvidirovana6. The army of the unemployed in 1929 reached 2 million people.

The global economic crisis which led to sharp decline in demand for the German industrial output in other countries except for the USSR, rendered extremely negative impact on economic development of Germany. In comparison with 1928 the release of industrial output was cut almost by half, and agricultural production for 31%. State revenues were reduced from 44.5 billion brands to 25.7 billion brands. Participation of Germany in world industrial production was reduced from 14.6% in 1928 to 8.9% in 1932. Export was reduced more than half. Only the third part of the workers receiving at the same time the cut-down salary was completely busy. The number of the working industrial enterprises which were completely jobless increased from 2 million in 1929 up to 3 million in 1930, up to 4.5 million in 1931 and up to 5.6 million in 1932. Then, when in 1933 the crisis declined, the number of the jobless workers occupied in the industry decreased up to 4.7 million people. The number of all jobless and semiemployed in the years of crisis hesitated from 10 to 12 million. Benefits were received by only the one fifth part of the unemployed. In a mass order the handicraftsmen, small traders, employees, officials, citizens of liberal professions, doctors who are engaged in private practice, lawyers, etc. lost work. And among the unemployed the Nazis found favorable circumstances for recruitment in this petty-bourgeois environment which was feeling robbed and looking for withdrawal from the beggarly provision to themselves new storonnikov7. From the beginning of the global economic crisis the shaky mechanism of the Weimar republic began to fall under the influence of the accruing contradictions between work and the capital. Both those, and others demanded from the state of protection first of all their interests. Large businessmen, bankers and land owners demanded the help to escape from bankruptcy, and broad masses of workers of performance by the state of the undertaken earlier social obligations. In these conditions the government of "grand coalition" headed by leaders of social democracy could not keep unstable balance of political forces of the country any more. Representatives of bourgeois parties in the government and parliament showed less and less readiness to make a compromise with social democrats at permission of urgent problems. Socialists were under the increasing pressure from the Imperial union of the German industry which members in December, 1929 supported creation of the new "firm and strong government" and providing "emergency powers" to it 8.

The discontent of industrialists with parliament and government where the forefront was come by the Labour Party, played not the last role that because of, apparently, insignificant conflict - and it was talked of increase in contributions to social insurance fund - the Reichs chancellor Müller resigned on March 27, 1930, and with it and the last parliamentary pravitelstvo9.

After this SPD passed into opposition, having given to bourgeois parties an opportunity at discretion to solve the problems which arose in connection with further aggravation of crisis. In such a way the management of this largest party wanted to avoid responsibility for acceptance by future bourgeois governments and parliament of unpopular laws and resolutions. At the same time, it in most cases supported the following bourgeois government, voted for adoption of its laws in parlamente10. In opposition to the leaders of the Weimar republic there was a Communist Party of Germany which was the only party which was consistently protecting the interests of the German working class. But its weakness was that all political parties of Germany were incited against it. Actually it was in self-isolation. It was explained by the fact that its management in the actions proceeded not only from really developing situation in Germany, but from instructions of Executive committee of Komintern. In Komintern the global economic crisis was mistakenly perceived as inevitable approach of a new wave of the proletarian revolutions caused by aggravation of class and social contradictions. He mistakenly focused the German communists to direct the main blows not against NSDAP, and against SPD, especially her left wing, considered this Labour Party of only one of types of fascism. Proceeding from these installations, KPG combated against SPD the purpose to weaken its positions, to win round as much as possible workers and to lead them in fight for "socialist Soviet Germany" 11. At the same time from the beginning of the global economic crisis the German National People's Party (DNFP) headed by the former director of Krup-Verke concern and the king of the press A. Gugenberg and the militaristic Right-wing conservative organization Steel Helmet (Union of veterans) led by F. Zeldte who more and more inclined to cooperation with NSDAP for the purpose of elimination of the Weimar republic and establishment in the country of the dictatorial form of government began to take more and more radical nationalist positions.

To create the authoritative "above-party government", especially without social democrats, also the former general-felmarshal of kayzerovsky army P. Hindenburg holding then a reykhsprezident post and his influential nobody controlled advisers from a business and military community intended long ago. It was possible to solve this problem without violation of the Weimar constitution which gave the reykhsprezident the strong rights for a case of emergence of critical situations.

According to the 48th article of the constitution the president could publish emergency decrees. The president could respond to their cancellation by parliament with his dissolution and by means of the rights granted to it to appoint or fire at own choice of the Reichs chancellor and ministers, to direct actually the country without control from parliament. The first reykhsprezident the social democrat F. Ebert used this right repeatedly in the early twenties for the benefit of protection of democracy. But existence of such right allowed also parties to avoid the parliamentary responsibility and gave at the same time strength which sought to get rid of the parliamentary system of board, a legal opportunity to achieve the objectives in case parties provide them freedom of action.

After resignation of the government of Müller Hindenburg, being guided by the 48th article of the constitution, appointed the leader of Catholic party "Centre" G. Bryuninga the Reichs chancellor of the prezidialny government given the right to adopt laws and to publish emergency decrees, leaning on "trust of the president", but not on parliamentary majority. The refusal of the Reichstag to approve at least one of emergency decrees of the government granted the right to the president immediately it to dismiss and to appoint elections of the new Reichstag. Such case was presented to the president on July 17, 1930 when fractions SPD, KPG, DNFP and NSDAR unanimously rejected the emergency decree of Bryuninga about sharp reduction of grants to quickly growing number of the unemployed. Social democrats at the same time accused Bryuninga of "the aspiration to destroy bases of existence of democratic society" 12. On September 30, 1930 on new elections to the Reichstag of the greatest success achieved SPD for which about 8.6 million voters (24.5%) voted, having outstripped at this NSDAP, received 6.4 million (18.3%). The Centre party received 5.2 million (14.8%), KPG - about 4.6 million (13.1%), DNFP - about 2.5 million (7.0%), DFP - 1.6 million (4.5%).

During September elections the trend of growth of number of supporters of NSDAP fighting for establishment of a dictatorship, and KPG supporting establishment of the power of councils came to light. At the same time the number of supporters of Nazis most quickly grew. In comparison with elections of 1928 it increased by 8 times. At KPG for the same time the number of supporters increased by 2.5%. As for number of supporters of the Weimar republic, their number under the influence of the presidential board entered in July, 1930 it was reduced significantly.

On May 30, 1932 the government of Bryuninga was dismissed by the president. For this purpose there were many reasons. The industrialists considering that he connected with Christian labor unions, pays not enough attention to protection of their interests were dissatisfied with Bryuning. Command of a reykhsver was dissatisfied that on April 13, 1932 the government of Bryuninga published the emergency decree about the ban of Nazi assault and security groups and by that it deprived of it the "excellent human material" necessary for accumulation of number of armed forces. Landowners were indignant with the fact that Bryuning, according to them, provided financial aid to the ostelbsky large-scale agricultural enterprises which were in deep debt crisis insufficiently and even thought of the section and settling of those from them which already completely obankrotilis13.

According to the decision of the president the new prezidialny government led by the far-right member of the party of Centre the large landowner F. Papen was created on June 1, 1932. This government nicknamed in the people "an office of barons" held smaller authority on all population groups. To get support of Nazis, Papen fulfilled on June 4, 1932 Hitler's requirement about cancellation of the ban of CA and CC and about dissolution of parliament. On July 20, 1932 Papen's government carried out a coup in Prussia as a result of which social democrats were stripped of power there. The administrative and police force of this earth was taken under the control by Papen.

Papen considered that his refusal of inclusion in the structure of the governments of representatives of NSDAP was one of errors of Bryuninga and it was ready to correct this error. But Hitler did not want to share with anybody the future power. He considered Papen's government as transitional and showed confidence that at upcoming elections to the Reichstag its party will turn into the strongest party, and then the Reichs chancellor's post itself will fall in it ruki14.

the fight of various political forces which Escalated in the country under the influence of an economic crisis suited the Nazi to a top. Under the influence of its social demagogy ranks of NSDAP grew. So, if in 1928 in NSDAP there were 98 thousand people, then in 1932 - it is already more than 800 thousand. This growth happened generally at the expense of a part of the center of the population and the unemployed. On elections to the Reichstag on July 31, 1932 Nazis received more than 13.8 million (37.3%) voices, i.e. more than a third of all Germans participating in elections. It allowed them to increase in comparison with 1930 the fraction in the Reichstag more than twice. Slightly the number of the voters voting behind KPG which brought together 5.3 million (14.3%) voices and Centre parties for which gave votes of 5.8 million (15.7%) voters increased. Other parties lost number of the supporters. At the same time DFP cooperating with SPD suffered most. Gave votes of only 436 thousand people (1.2%) for it, i.e. is almost four times less, than in September, 1930

As a result NSDAP not only outstripped all other bourgeois parties on number of votes given by it, but also created broad mass basis for a fashization of Germany. By then it won to itself allies also among representatives of the large capital. To strengthen this union and in gratitude for the large sums received from the heavy industry, the management of Nazi party demanding in the 1920th years of transfer to hands of the state of concerns, syndicates and trusts in the 7th edition of the program which appeared in 1932 abandoned this claim and said: "National socialism does not consider at all that private possession even the largest industrial enterprises (we have here in mind Krupp, Mannesmann, Tissen, etc.) contradicts the interests of all society" 15. Having felt under itself a powerful support among the population and the most influential representatives of the large capital, the Nazi top took a resolute course towards establishment in the country of the autocracy. The chief of staff of SA Ram gave the secret order to attack planes to prepare for the triumphal entry into Berlin. But Hindenburg rejected Hitler's requirement to appoint him the Reichs chancellor and offered it only

the vice-chancellor's post in Papen's government. After that Hitler repealed Ram's order and let members of SA go on leave for two weeks to calm the raged hordes of thugs.

At the same time Papen's government did not get support at the new structure of the Reichstag. At the meeting which took place on September 12, 1932 according to the proposal of communists 412 deputies voted for cancellation of all earlier accepted emergency decrees and acceptance of a vote of no confidence in the government and only 42 deputies voted against. Immediately answered this Bryuning with dissolution parlamenta16.

On November 6, 1932 in the conditions of activization of workers' protests under the direction of KPG for the rights and growth of the strike movement there took place new elections to the Reichstag. For social democrats 7.25 million (20.3%) voices were given, is 712 thousand less, than on elections to the Reichstag on July 31, 1932. 6 million (16.7%) voters voted for KPG, is 610 thousand more, than in on July elections. Among bourgeois parties slightly more votes were collected only by two parties: 3 million (8.4%) voters voted for DNFP, is 772 thousand more than in July, and for DFP of-662 thousand (1.9%), is 224 thousand more than voters, than in July. Serious losses were suffered by Centre party, For it gave the votes of 4.23 million (11.8%) voters, is 1.6 million less, than in July. The biggest loss was suffered by NSDAP. 11.8 million (32.8%) voted for it, on 2 million people it is less, than in July.

Falling of influence in the mass of NSDAP was demonstrated also by the municipal elections which took place soon after elections the Reichstag in some lands of Germany. In Saxony in Chemnitz the quantity voting for candidates of Nazi party was reduced by 13%, in Plauen - for 20%, in Zwickau - for 34%. In Thuringia the number voting for Nazis was reduced even to 40%17.

Results of elections to the Reichstag plunged members of NSDAP into a deep depression. Between the Nazis belonging to various social groups of the population the disagreements which were followed by a mass desertion of the party amplified. Hitler was in panic. He said: "If the party collapses, then I three minutes will put an end to everything by means of a gun" 18. At the same time, Hitler did not hurry to commit suicide and still hoped for seizure of power. Support of influential industrialists and bankers and also deadlock state into which then there was Papen's government gave it this hope.

After elections Papen quickly found out that all parties which were a part of the Reichstag except for the Bavarian People's Party, refuse to cooperate with it. In this regard it hesitated even to appear in the Reichstag as knew that in this case the opposition at once would vote to it non-confidence. He reported on November 17 on it to a reykhsprezident. At the same time Hindenburg received the petition sent him at the initiative of bankers Ya. Shakhta and K. Schröder from big group of industrialists and large landowners who insisted on Papen's resignation and formation of the new government led by Gitlerom19.

On November 19 Hindenburg led negotiations with leaders of the conservative and moderate bourgeois parties represented in the Reichstag. The last agreed to create the coalition government. Next day Hindenburg invited to himself Hitler and suggested it to create and head the new government. Hitler asked time for considering of this question. On November 23 he in the letter to a reykhsprezident reported that he agrees to head only that government which could work without opinion of most parties of the Reichstag, i.e. direct the country dictatorial metodami20. Hindenburg did not want new complications and therefore accepted the proposal of one of the closest advisers to the general K. Shleykher it to appoint temporary on the Reichs chancellor's post. Shleykher since 1929 represented the interests of command of a reykhsver at meetings of the Government and Reichstag. It was against granting dictatorial powers to Hitler and intended to weaken his positions by entering of split into ranks of NSDAP. For this purpose he decided to offer the vice president's post in the future government G. Strassera whom he was a supporter of "socialist" orientation of party and more than once entered the conflict with Hitler for his conciliation with the industrialists and bankers subsidizing party. He besides held an influential post of the imperial organizer of NSDAP, actually was in party the second person after Gitlera21. Therefore Shleykher expected that

after Strasser cooperation with its government will be entered by not less than 60 deputies from NSDAP that significantly would weaken positions of pro-Hitlerite Nazi fraction in parliament.

Hindenburg decided to support Shleykher and on December 3 appointed him the Reichs chancellor. The new government consisted of ministers of the German National People's Party and non-parties who expected to rely on heads of the right trade-union organizations and Strasser's supporters in NSDAP.

Strasser said that he agrees to undertake functions of the vice-chancellor in the government. It caused open crisis in the management and the NSDAP parliamentary fraction. Hitler and his closest adherents - to Goering, Goebbels, etc. managed to liquidate, however, rather quickly opposition in party. On December 9 Strasser put from himself all party duties and was completely debarred from political life. After that all prerequisites for further existence of the government of Shleykher disappeared.

Papen as the authorized representative of influential economic circles from the middle of December resumed negotiations with the Nazi management on formation of the new government. On January 4, 1932 at Hitler's meeting with Papen in the house of the banker Schröder in Cologne there took place discussion of structure of future office (with participation of DNFp and Steel Helmet), its programs, predusmatrivavshshy defeat of organized labor movement, strengthening of a role of the enterprise unions, economic recovery by means of the state credits and orders, first of all voyennykh22.

Appointment of the Fuhrer of national socialists A. Hitler the Reichs chancellor and inclusion of several Nazis in the structure of the government created on January 30, 1933 by it happened under P. Hindenburg's agreement with a part of influential circles of the industrial and financial capital without participation of the Reichstag. The structure of the government included along with Nazis representatives of other parties and organizations, and also non-party faces. They held the following posts: the Reichs chancellor is Hitler (NSDAP), the vice-chancellor is F. von Papen (non-party), the Minister of Internal Affairs is V. Frik (NSDAP),

the minister without portfolio and the Minister of Internal Affairs of Prussia - G. Goering (NSDAP), the Minister of Foreign Affairs - F. von Nejrat (non-party), the Minister of Finance - the Count M. von Krosig (non-party), the minister of a reykhsver - the lieutenant general a background Blomberg (non-party), the Minister of Economics and the Minister of Agriculture and Food - A. Gugen-berg (German National People's Party),

the Minister of Labour is F. Zeldte (Steel Helmet),

the Minister of Justice is F. Gyutner (German National People's Party), the Minister of Transport and mails - P. Eltts-Rubenakh.

On March 13 the ministry of national education and promotion led by I. Goebbels, and in May - the ministry of aircraft which was headed by Goering was created.

In the evening on January 30, 1933 members of Nazi party, CA and CC triumphed in Berlin concerning "occupation" of the power by them in Germany. However actually entry of Nazis into the power was not its capture yet. Process of seizure of power by Nazis began the Reichs chancellor after Hitler's appointment and lasted, at least, within one and a half years and was generally completed on August 2, 1934 when the president Hindenburg died. On the same day the German government issued "The law on the head of the imperial state". Powers of the president passed to "the Fuhrer and Reichs chancellor Adolf Hitler". Then troops swore to Hitler on fidelity and unconditional obedience as to the Supreme Commander. On fidelity from that day Nazi functionaries, ministers, chinovniki23 began to swear to him. But also after that process of a statement in Germany of Nazi dictatorship practically continued prior to World War II.

Main goals which were set before themselves by Nazis after coming to power, were sounded by Hitler on February 3, 1933 at a meeting with command of a reykhsver. They consisted, as well as it was provided by the Nazi the program, in "eradication of Marxism", "removal of a cancer tumor - democracy", "establishment of high authoritarian regime", introduction of a general compulsory military service, "gaining the markets

sold" and "capture of a new living space in the east and its ruthless germanization" 24.

Different political goals by which leaders of SPD and KPG, their constant competition for influence on workers were guided prevented creation of a joint barrier Nazi dictatorship. On January 30, 1933 the Central Committee of KPG addressed all working organizations to respond to Hitler's appointment with the Reichs chancellor holding a general strike. Next day the board of SPD urged members of the party to remain "because of the constitution", claiming that "undisciplined, undertaken self-willedally at own risk" performances against the Hitlerite government will cause "the hardest damage to all working class" 25.

Heads of bourgeois parties which at all not all were allies of Nazis even more than leaders of SPD were afraid of a general strike which could lead to a bigger aggravation of an economic and social crisis in the country. As a result KPG remained in essence the only political force trying to prevent establishment in the country of Nazi dictatorship.

To create a reason for defeat of KPG and other political opponents, the Nazi top resorted to large provocation. In the evening on February 27, 1933 she organized a building arson of the Reichstag, having accused of this crime of communists. Next day Hindenburg at insistance of Hitler and other members of the government issued the decree "About protection of the people and the state" on which all constitutional guarantees of the rights and freedoms of citizens were cancelled. Against communists propaganda and street terror was developed. Within March up to 20 thousand functionaries of KPG and labor unions were thrown into the concentration camps created by Nazis. Hundreds were killed. Nevertheless, during new elections the Reichstag in March, 1933 5 million Germans voted for communists. Then the Hitlerite government outlawed KPG. On March 24 the Reichstag by a majority vote of deputies from bourgeois parties adopted the "Law on overcoming distress of the people of a Reich" which gave to the Hitlerite government the right within four years to adopt laws without participation of the Reichstag, the reykhsrat and the president. Further this law repeatedly lasted. Using this law, the Hitlerite government in May, 1933 banned "free labor unions", at the end of June — the beginning of July banned the activity of SPD, achieved self-dissolution of bourgeois parties and also issued laws under which the Nazi party was announced by the only "bearer of the German statehood", and attempts to restore or create new parties were punished by the conclusion in convict prison for up to three let26.

Membership in party voluntary was formal, but accepted not all Germans in its ranks. NSDAP, on plans of its management, had to represent "elite of the people", the keeper based on "relationship of blood" and "community of destiny" of German Community of the People. For the introduction in it the candidate had to prove that his ancestors, since 1800, did not consist in marriages with "defective" people in the racial relation. Such Germans in Germany there were no more than 11%. They began to join ranks of NSDAP. It was promoted in the beginning by self-dissolution of bourgeois parties which former members in a mass order passed into NSDAP as membership in this party provided them advantage at employment and appointment to the leading and more highly paid positions in the public and public institutions. By the beginning of World War II in NSDAP there were 5 million people. Then its growth was promoted in many respects by initial military progress of Germany. By the end of 1942 in NSDAP there were nearly 8 million people. Since 1943 the number of persons interested to join ranks of Nazi party significantly decreased. It was sleds?

Donna Tamsyn
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