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Abolition of serfdom and the Russian landowners in an essay "Overture" from the cycle "Oskudneniye" of S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava)

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Among the Russian writers who reflected post-reform reorganization of landed gentry in the works, a specific place is held by S.N. Terpigorev writing under S. Atava's pseudonym. Actually his first biographer P. Bykov so characterized the main literary direction of Terpigorev: "The ruthless and jealous chronicler of an era of the All-Russian oskudneniye, the talented fiction writer who created a huge, bright picture of fight for existence of our nobility" 1. Bykov thinly noticed the main creative line of the writer — the "jealous chronicler" pointing to fine to the smallest details, knowledge of complexity of evolution of great Russian landowner life and transformation of noble social psychology on the eve of an abolition of serfdom and in the first post-reform decades. Sergey Nikolaevich himself also pointed to the place in the Russian literature from a position of the chronicler: "First of all I at all not the writer. I am to a certain extent a competent and observant person, and only. I happened to see and observe such facts which as I made sure then, unfortunately, even on hearing are unknown to very many true writers. It, of course, annoying. They from such material could do many excellent novels and stories. I can write nothing of that kind. But I also did not undertake anything similar. I just tell that I saw... Is the most expensive to me that my pictures were as much as possible faithful to reality and that lighting them was the most real, true too. That's all" 2.

The main thing for the author — the reality of a plot broken through psychologism of landowners, brought it typical for the province. And when the essays signed with the pseudonym S. Atava under the name "Oskudneniye began to be published in the January issue of "Domestic notes" for 1880. Essays, notes and reflections of the Tambov landowner", they caused a big resonance in the reading public which suspected in the beginning that S. Atava — new pseudonym Saltykova-Shchedrina3. On there was bright, living and ironic language of the writer Terpigorev so many.

S.N. Terpigorev was born on May 12, 1841 in the village of Nikolskom of the Usmansky County of the Tambov province in family of the srednepomestny landowner whose sort went back to the 16th century, to Ivan the Terrible's times. His father, Nikolay Nikolaevich, was an educated person, had a reputation for the kind landowner, served as the district leader of the nobility and made for distribution of literacy among the people much, consisting some time the honourable trustee of district school. Unlike most of landowners of the county, it had good library, and Sergey early seriously "got sick" with reading, than strongly pleased the father. Mother, Varvara Ivanovna, nee Rachmaninov,




In article S.N. Terpigorev's views of the reasons of prereform ruin of landed gentry, socially — psychological perception of reform of an abolition of serfdom and difficulty of the first post-reform years of reorganization of local farms by it are considered.


1 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. In 6 volumes. T. 1. Part 1. SPb., 1899. Page V.
2 In the same place. Page XXXV-XXXVI.
3 In the same place. Page XXIII-XXIV.

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did not shine with education, but had great sincere qualities, bringing special warmth in family atmosferu4. Noble life of own family, the beginning of its ruin, an oskudneniye of neighbors — landowners, the eminence of a role of merchants and officials in district life left a scar and bright images in S.N. Terpigorev's memory: "The author of Oskudneniya began to remember himself very much early, nearly since six years, and in nine — ten years he remembered a lot of things with all slightest details, quite it is clear and distinctly understanding all that occurred around it. "It would be much better — he admits — if washing memory was free from all this. The nature of all these memoirs caused by time of that time and customs of that time very much is heavy, and it is impossible to carry all life in itself this poison with impunity." 5.

"The difficult character of memoirs" of prereform and post-reform ruin of manorial estates, including experience of own family, also formed the basis of essays of Oskudneniye. The literary genre of essays was chosen not accidentally: "I want long ago as it is possible more simply, bezyskusstvenny to tell more visually how all this left i.e. what and as our oskudneniye began with and as we reached a present state. To tell it a number of memories, essays and notes for me spodruchny, than to write on the same subject article, big with figures" 6.

The structure of essays is divided into two parts. The first part, "Oskudneniye. Noble", is called "Fathers" where social and psychological insolvency of landowners in the first post-reform years to adaptation processes of bourgeois character is shown. The second part of essays carries the name "Mothers" where on the example of generalizations various on character and psychological perception of new trends of landowners, the insuperable side between the developed stereotypes of former prereform lordly life and real opportunities to find to itself the worthy place in the conditions of the beginning of interclass emancipation is shown. S.N. Terpigorev as the author and the representative of the landowner environment, is sorry about last times, nobility "oskudne-niya", very in negative light draws images of enterprising merchants and officials into whose hands pass manorial estates. But at the same time recognizes that the future behind them, behind their business grasp and ability to process case.

From all cycle "Oskudneniya", for understanding of author's vision of the reasons of ruin of landowners during the prereform period and perception of reform by them on February 19, 1861, from the point of view of the mediocre provincial landowner, the essay "Overture" is program. The name of an essay means the introduction to plots of all cycle where the basic world outlook principles concerning judgment of tragic element of post-reform modernization of landed gentry are concluded. Building the author's concept of an oskudneniye of landowners, S.N. Terpigorev legally began consideration with the reasons and time of this process: "The oskudneniye, as we know, began long ago. Began, certainly, not suddenly, and little by little, not as now brings down. The circumstance to it, certainly, was preceded by the different signs which were more or less saying that days of prosperity are considered and that it is impossible to go further. More perspicacious saw these signs, understood them, thought of them, but unfortunately not for a long time. As we will see below by the nature, on such vdumyvaniye and was capable a little. Because, after a vypitiya of a glass of vodka, thoughts passed that hour to other objects. I am convinced that I will tell the unconditional truth, claiming that landowners were ruined and continue to be ruined therefore only that never did what followed them and it is necessary to do. Men plow, merchants trade, spiritual pray and what is done by landowners? They were engaged

4 Yu.L. Boldyrev. Popular last//Terpigorev S.N. (Atava C). The disturbed shadows. M, 1988. Page 5; S.N. Terpigorev (Atava C). Collected works. T. 1. Part 1. Page V-VI, VIII.
5 In the same place. Page VII.
6 In the same place. Page 3.

also had a good time all anything — service, hunting, literature, cupids, But only not those what should have been engaged in it" 7.

Oskudneniye of landowners, indeed, began not one one or two years prior to an abolition of serfdom. So, for example, the number of the Kursk small estate noblemen with 8 on _o audits was laid off with 4 68o to z 299 or by 29.5%8. This stratum of landowners in the social and economic plan degraded most quicker. N.A. Karyshev, considering noble land use in the Kursk province already during the post-reform period, noted that small estate noblemen "do not live in the villages, and are in the service in the city", adding: "There are sites "not remembering owners", processed and the paid next peasants" 9. That is, manors were left by owners from time immemorial. Rapidly the bank debt of local owners grew. In the Voronezh province in l855 to year the number of mortgage manors reached 905 and і64,029 revizsky souls were put. By і859th year the number of mortgage estates grew to l 529, and number of revizsky souls — up to l79 16610. All this was the evidence of crisis manifestations in the Russian estates. Terpi-gorev, allocating unwillingness of local noblemen to deal directly with economic problems of the manors as the main criterion of ruin of landowners, it was near from the truth. For considerable number of the Russian landowners the earth, to an abolition of serfdom, was not an object of application of the capital, and was a financial source of personal realization in "service, hunting, literature and cupids". But being the carrier of landowner economic traditionalism, the system of forced labor of serfs as an undoubted factor economic, partly and socially — psychological, stagnation and regress of estates, Terpigorev does not allocate, even as the minor reason of an oskudneniye.

One of the main reasons for landowner ruin, along with unwillingness of noblemen to deal with problems of estates, S.N. Terpigorev sees in aspiration of noblemen, "seduced with a beautiful military uniform", to enlist, thereby for a long time to tear all communications with native estates. The author sincerely claims "... with confidence it is possible to tell that if the vsesoslovny compulsory military service at us would be entered twenty — thirty years ago, the landowner race not only would not degenerate as now, but our earth would teem with landowners and it would be the awfully nice people. If great military reform was made twenty — thirty years ago, heart and eyes of landowners would not be seduced for a long time with beautiful equipments because they very well would know that their sons, along with all, will be in the known time, year or two by all means, to wear any given beautiful uniform, and for this purpose there is no need to do them experts at all not of those things which will feed them i.e. there is no need to tear off them from the earth. But it did not happen, and Ivanovka, Petrovka and Osinovki, left unguarded, or, what is even worse, arrived under supervision of retired departmental officials or the former carriers of beautiful forms, one by one began "to smile" and take over to fists, to Germans, kikes, in a word — where also to anyone, but only not to landowners" 11.

The main idea of this statement comes down to the fact that the offsprings of noble estate considering military service truly noble besides, seduced with attributes of a military uniform whether broke off with the earth, therefore, -

7 Yu.L. Boldyrev. Popular last//Terpigorev S.N. (Atava C). The disturbed tep. M, l988. Page 5; S.N. Terpigorev (Atava C). Collected works. T. 1. H і. Page V-VI, VIII. Page 4-5.
8 Russian State Historical Archive (RSHA). T. l28l. Op. 6. 64. L. 7; N.M. Shepupo-va. About an izmepepiya of the sizes of a dushevladeniye of landowners of the European Russia in the first quarter of XVI11 — the first half of the 19th centuries / / the Year-book on the agrarian history of Eastern Europe. _96z. Vilnius, l964. Page 409, 418.
9 Karyshev ON. Results of an economic research of Russia according to territorial statistics. Derpt, і892. T. 2. Page 98, 100.
10 Bank debts and position of provinces in l856 of//Ministry of Internal Affairs Magazine. i860, February. B. m of Page 207.
11 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. і. H і. Page 6.

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shawls of of skills of local economic activity then estates "smiled" and passed to representatives of other estates. To prevent this process, from the point of view of Terpigorev, it would be possible carrying out during earlier period of reform of a general compulsory military service. The author, hardly, did not understand that military reform was a consequence of an abolition of serfdom, and without liberation of peasants it would be impossible. One followed from another. But he is interested in the reason of "outflow" of noble offsprings from estates here, and he sees it in the aspiration of young landowners to arrive on service, first of all military. Thereby, the solution from the economic plane is transferred to the planes of realization of young noblemen in other spheres which are not connected with rural estates. Also the fact that the bulk of landowners remained nevertheless on places remains unaddressed. On the other hand, introduction and at earlier stages of the basic principles of military reform would not suspend an oskudneniye of noble patrimonial nests. During the post-reform period when military reform was already implemented, the process of "times-dvoryanivaniya" of private land fund considerably accelerated. In the Kursk province from 1863 to 1877 the land fund of noblemen was reduced by 11%, and from 1877 to 1905 - for 38.3%, in the Voronezh province - from 3.4% to 36.8%, sootvetstvenno12.

It is remarkable that, from the point of view of the author, indissoluble communication with the earth would make of them "the awfully nice people". Possibly, necessary interest of local noblemen in the personal nature of business management in manors which would change their way of life towards the zealous owner is meant here. Other explanation of this thesis it is difficult to give as the most part of local noblemen was not going to leave the manors during the prereform period. But one is noticed truly: it is a trend of reduction of number of local noblemen — the earth "would teem with landowners", but there was the return.

A particular interest for the researchers studying an abolition of serfdom causes a plot about the general moods of provincial landed gentry on the eve of reform on February 19, 1861. Here Terpigorev gives that psychological atmosphere which was characteristic of most of the landowners confused by various rumors about the forthcoming reform of release of serfs. In particular, he specifies: "Stunned with all these rumors and stories as a thunder from a clear sky, Ivana Petrovichi and Petra Iwanowitschi were resolutely not known that to do to them. Some sins and scores in the past, and, above all perepug before the unknown future, clear, pulled together all their thoughts to care of rescue of the stomachs. But also here in this care, in what was undertaken, with the purpose to secure itself, traces of the most oppressed intellectual state were clearly visible: guns, sabers were bought, rusty antiquated and pradedovsky swords. and which now their grandchildren were going to protect the life from Senek, Stepok, etc. were brought from storerooms. Writing these lines lost during that time of the both grandfathers who quitted this world purely only from fright" 13.

In this plot it is thin, though not without a certain irony, the main aspect of social and psychological discomfort of landowners on the eve of release of serfs is noticed — "did not know what to do to them". All their way of life was under construction on almost supremacy and exploitation of peasants. All microcosm of the landowner presented by estate borders became isolated in structure — "I" and "They", that is Senki, Petka, Fekla, etc. Therefore, even if also the remote prospect of full loss of control over serfs did not give psychologically accurate prospect not only further economic activity, but also all way of life. Terpigorev not without justification describes "purchase of guns, sabers" by landowners for "rescue of the stomachs". V.I. Semevsky, considering

12 V.A. Shapovalov. The nobility Is central — the Chernozem region of Russia during the post-reform period. M — Belgorod, 2002. Page 234 — 236.
13 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. 1. Part 1. Page 10.

the reasons and scope of peasants' revolts in prereform years, notes: "In 1850 the disorders were in 24, in 1851 — in 22 manors, in 1852 — in 33 manors (in 19 provinces), and the Chernihiv and Tambov provinces peasants showed resistance even to the governor and army. For disobedience to landowners it was banished to Siberia serfs within 20 years (1827 - 1846) of 1,030 people (827 men and 193 women). Concerning 992 people (799 men and 193 women) it were known from what province they are banished; for disobedience provinces gave to landowners the greatest contingent of exiled: Kursk — 54 men and 36 women, Tambov — 54 men and 26 women, Tver — 52 men and 13 women, Vladimir — 42 men and 11 women and Voronezh — 33 men and 10 women" 14.

Native to Terpigorev the Tambov province is mentioned in leaders of peasants' revolts and cases of disobedience to landowners. As is well-known from a saying, "fear takes molehills for mountains", input of military divisions to the province for suppression of disorders naturally generated the mass of rumors, and the prospect to remain "in private" with "being" after their release caused concerns for the lives to landowners.

Further Sergey Nikolaevich coordinates disturbing psychological state of landowners to unreality "a priiskaniye and the choice of the best systems of future economy": "Very naturally, however, what at domination then of a similar view on the near future and in general on reform and the destiny when it was supposed and expected that not only all our property will be taken away and plundered, but also chastity of wives and our daughters, together with their and our life, will be put on serious trial — then, it seems to me, from "us" it would be ridiculous to demand cares of a priiskaniye and the choice of the best systems of future our economy", adding: "Such general alcoholism caused at some loss of belief in the future and the disappointed hopes for fast approach of the better future at others, apparently, in Russia never before was neither to, nor after this era. And it proceeded up to emergence of the manifesto on improvement of life of landowner peasants" 15.

It is necessary to agree with the author that the psychological discomfort does not promote realization not only new types of activity, but also maintenance of former. The disturbing moods of landowners caused by lack of accurate vision of economic prospect found a way out in the "approved" form of emotional relaxation — alcoholism. Uncertainty in the future objectively forced to hold the existing realities in every way. Not without reason, when the government at the end of 1857 distributed to governors and provincial leaders of the nobility the rescript of the emperor addressed to the great governor general V.I. Nazimov where the government program of release of serfs was reflected, with a request to define the position to the rescript, the Tambov provincial leader "expressed fears for inviolability of the rights of noblemen, declaring unpreparedness of reform, debts of landowners, a cherezpolosnost of possession and other. It added that noblemen "are grateful for trust", but wish to wait that "to use lessons of experience" 16.

S.N. Terpigorev, reflecting prereform pessimistic mood of provincial landowners, did not put to itself as a task to show all palette of social expectations on the eve of an abolition of serfdom which, undoubtedly, was present. The Tambov landowner V.M. Andreevsky in the unpublished memoirs, describing the end 50 — x of the 19th century, emphasizes: "Release of peasants from serfdom was already predetermined and it was expected in the noble environment some — youth — with pleasure and hopes for bright future; others — stari-

14 V.I. Semevsky. A country question in Russia in XVI11 and the first half of the 19th centuries SPb., 1888. T. 2. Page 595, 597.
15 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. 1. Part 1. Page 12-13.
16 A.A. Kornilov. Essays on the history of social movement and country matter in Russia. SPb., 1905. Page 177.

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Kami — with mistrust and fear" 17. Interested the author of essays first of all, the dominating range of moods, as it was truly reflected. It is impossible to dismiss also the personal relation of Terpigorev as landowner to an abolition of serfdom. He perceived reform as an objective reality, but regretted for former times and the missed opportunities of landowners for modernization of the manors. All this became a basis for expressions of social pessimism in the considered essay.

In the landowner Provision environment about release of serfs it was expected with the alarm which is warmed up by possible rumors: "It, of course, in a craw breath was filched and hands shivered when they for the first time concerned the well-known book of Situation on February 19; but the death sentence to themselves in it was not expected to be read any more. And when began to read, ponder and re-read endlessly, saw even a possibility of the device from "peyzana" as called then men, by means of more or less witty experiments. In general, having stretched, properly mind, we came to that conclusion that will not allow "to play pranks" "them" and when passed since a half-year, saw that "little men" also do not show any feeble efforts on prank. Then absolutely already calmed down and began to go about the own business, properly. It "the business" at that time consisted in care, kind of to put "men" in such position that they always "felt" and that ourselves, opposite did not feel at all" 18. Despite the general alarms of landowners connected with expectations of a release of "Provision" on release of serfs, internally they were already ready to the forthcoming reform. Their specific details of the forthcoming social transformations frightened. First of all, investment of peasants with the earth, sizes and terms of repayment. "Situation", for the most part of landowners, was not full opening. Through provincial noble committees they were reached by possible details of future emancipation. Introduction of a vremennoobyazanny state for the former serfs allowed landowners to remain still some time within a habitual way of life where "little men would feel" the dependence and indissoluble communication with the barin. But feeling of the approached new realities a scarecrow of landowners. It was thinly noticed by the prince E. Trubetskoy, remembering the first post-reform years: "An external framework of life was a live reminder on prereform Russia, but at the same time, all maintenance of life was new" 19. The novelty denying habitual local traditionalism was also a factor of psychological landowner discomfort.

Having dealt with the main documents "Provisions" the landowners "began to go about the own business: "The place of fear was taken by feeling of bilious meanness and though this feeling not laudable, but it then was so inherent that was the cause that many utesneniye to "men" occurred without any need, and so-so, and thanks to this feeling, we spoiled a lot of noble blood. However, this feeling brought some also benefit. So, for example, those from us which managed to lower then to men in a plot the earth "with a sand" against it have nothing and now because "men" in great demand rent their earth, at the price much more "decent", than at neighbors" 20. "The bilious meanness" was expressed in the aspiration of landowners to allocate to peasants in a plot inconvenient lands that caused counteraction of the last. These conflicts by means of world intermediaries who not always took the part of "the noble estate fellows" were solved. As a result, the serious conflicts of landowners with world intermediaries became a widespread rule. L.E. Obolensky reflects this practice in the "Pictures from the past", in relation to the Oryol province: "The first that I saw, having driven up to our town house, there was a modest sign "Congress of World Intermediaries".

17 State Archive of the Tambov Region (SATR). T. P5328. Op. 1. 7. L. 1.
18 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. 1. Part 1. Page 19 — 20.
19 Prince Evgeny Trubetskoy. From the past. Vienna, 1923. Page 7.
20 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. 1. Part 1. Page 20.

Thanks to it, I managed to get acquainted with some of so-called "intermediaries of the first appeal. And indeed, if not all of them, then, at least, three from them were figures not seen in these parts, already because carried as, for example, Ruttsen, country suits and long hair. I heard more than once as the coming landowners, terribly getting excited, complained to my father of this Ruttsen, that he solves all cases in favor of peasants." 21.

The Terpigorevsky thesis, "when already and absolutely calmed down and began to go about the own business", in relation to the first post-reform year as it was already noted above, has the average character which was not distinguishing extremes in views of landowners of the come true fact of an abolition of serfdom. Reading these lines, before eyes there is a picture of some tranquility and calmness of the landowners who accepted reform conditions. But there was a certain, smaller part of local noblemen of the serfs who did not reconcile internally to release. The famous historian of the Russian abroad S.G. Pushkarev tells about the grandfather — the Kursk landowner: "At release of peasants in 1861 the thick notebook containing manifesto l9 of February and a set of Regulations on the peasants who left serfdom Was printed and sent to all landowners. And so this notebook remained uncut. Obviously, the grandfather my Ivan Stepanovich, without recognizing the right of peasants to be free, it was so evil that never glanced in this document" 22.

The most difficult for landowners after release of serfs was to reconstruct at the beginning the economic principles when peasants were already personally free, but were within a vremennoobyazanny state. There was a complexity not only a psychological order, but also lack of clear ideas of housekeeping without former possession of "baptized property". Specifically it looked as follows: "To do in economy without man or, more correctly, to have at the sovey order of the man not from morning to the night every day as was before, and only (at an izdelny duty) three days a week and besides and in these that three days a certain number of hours — here that was difficult. And to all this a number of chagrin. First, "they" learned what measures of motivation at once are resolved and what are not resolved as there were even several examples when, on an old habit, being sent for disobedience to the district police officer, for "punishment on a body", they came back unpunished from there and, owing to this, passing back by the mansion, laughed and did not break caps, and the next day, at work in the field, at a meeting with the barin, showed that absolutely it is not noticed. Then, at execution of works, laziness showed extraordinary, it is possible to tell improbable, and worked not only a little, but also this small work was the dignity of the lowest" 23.

Terpigorev emphasizes not only confusion, but, and as a result, inability of landowners to provide quality of the performed works as hands of vremennoobyazanny peasants. In the Central Black Earth in the first post-reform years the tightening of terms of works on a possessory plowing as peasants came to work in turn, the person till 10-15 in den24 became a universal rule. This problem was tried to be solved by a regulation of different types of works. For example, in the second half of 1861 the Voronezh presence, provincial on country affairs, developed "The fixed provision of definition of field works on і day for і the temporary employee". The regulation was detailed and covered all cycle of agricultural works. So, when harvesting to mow winter crops — oh, 5 des., oats and spring-sown field — oh, 5 des. This indicator decreased by 5 sazh2 on everyone half an hour of pass kre-

21 L.E. Obolensky. Pictures from the past \\the Historical bulletin. 1906. T. 106. No. 10. Page 128.
22 S.G. Pushkarev. Memoirs of the historian. 1905 — 1945. M.,1999. Page 74.
23 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. 1. Part 1. Page 21 — 22.
24 V.A. Shapovalov. The nobility Is central — the Chernozem region of Russia during the post-reform period. Page 93.

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styan on fields, whose settlements were from the field at distance 6 verst25. All this did not give the expected results, as it was visible from a large number of complaints of landowners to quality of the performed works.

Modernization of local farms, as well as maintenance of habitual "lordly" life, demanded big money, but most of landowners available did not have them. All hopes were on redemption certificates and bank percentage notes: "Also it is so seductive, so desired an opportunity to receive money was represented! It was worth letting men on to fyuit, i.e. on repayment, money here. Of course, they are in the form of redemption certificates, but the small skidochka — and at you is the same money..." 26 It is confirmed also by the Russian economists of the end of the 19th century who specially stopped on this question. In particular, P.P. Mi_ulin specified that at the beginning 6o-x of the 19th century landowners in a mass order marketed 5% bank notes which provided redemption operation, in relation to ruble as _o: 6.27 Actually they were sold twice cheaper than nominal value. In reality "skidochka" was rather big.

Household disorders and a problem of support of the estate afloat demanded considerable financial expenses. Inertia of a former way of life of landowners assumed constant expenditure: "... the pieces of paper received for redemption certificates differed in remarkable ability to departure between fingers much rather and easier than when they turned out, happened, for wheat, oats, etc. Many explained it with the fact that rushed for "redemption", i.e. "let" men to repayment, the most credulous were the first, the most exhausted and therefore nothing is present surprising that they gave in to temptations, hobbies and, "raising" children, became the victims of the wastefulness. And here, when all "redemption" from the first to the last were reduced and when, at the same time, the need for "rest", "in education of children" did not allow to leave the capitals and the cities, it is clear that it was necessary to resort to the credit. The credit was not represented dangerous because it was supposed to lead economy "in a new way", and it had to is undoubted to raise profitability of a manor".28 Given plot do not concern all strata of noblemen-landowners. Life in the capitals and the cities, having a need for "rest" and decent "education of children", only representatives krupnopomestny and the top groups of the srednepomestny nobility owning extensive estates were able to afford.

The gained money from redemption certificates and bank notes did not cover all landowner costs: "As maintaining "in a new way" economy was at the beginning and, even to tell existed more in principle, than in fact, and the credit was already shut, a natural exit from a difficult situation represented continuation of realization or, better to say, elimination of the remained property. The menu of decumulation of this property in general was monotonous. All difference was only in that order in which the dishes were served. At some, for example, gave after redemption, the woods, at others — long-term rent, at the third — the second mortgage, and all this moved in sauce from bills, safe receipts and other. At such situation "rest" and "education of children" 29 continued.

Terpigorev notes that housekeeping "in a new way" was for landowners business of the future, but not reality. The Vremennoobyazanny condition of peasants allowed them to remain still some time within local economic traditionalism. But among the listed "menu" offered for sale by landowners arable lands, pastures, meadows which used on ze-are not specified

25 State Archive of the Voronezh Region (SAVR). T. 26. Op. 1. 11.
26 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. і. Part 1. Page 22.
27 P.P. Migulin. Russian state credit (1869 — 1899). Kharkiv, 1899. T. 1. Page 250.
28 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. і. Part 1. Page 23 — 24.
29 In the same place.

mile market the greatest demand. It indicates comprehensive awareness of the author on the processes happening in noble farms in the first post-reform years as in a 6o-a of of the 19th century the local lands actively were not sold by the owners. For example, in the Voronezh province from 1863 to 1868 (without the Biryuchensky County) the noble land fund not only was not reduced, and, on the contrary, grew by 6.2%. In the Kursk province, for the same period of time, reduction was it only 4,6%30. From 70th of the 19th century at the provincial level the tendency to growth of the area of noble lands is interrupted and considerably rates of reduction of local land fund increase. The credits are mentioned by Terpigorev casually though from the middle 6o-x of the 19th century the debt of Central Black Earth estates grew at the menacing rates. So, in the Voronezh province only from 1863 to 1866 the number of mortgage manors increased from 470 to 90231.

In the finishing part of the considered essay Sergey Nikolaevich addresses the subject "fathers and children", traditional for the Russian literature of the second half of the 19th century, but he is not interested in a difficult psychological complex of collisions of two world outlook systems — post-reform liberalism and conservatism. It shows unreasonable expenditure of parents - landowners on education of children in hope that they will be in "big ranks" over time and, thereby, will ensure also to parents worthy life. But offsprings are interested only in fatherly money which is burned in city binges, and it leads to ruin parental pomestiy32. Inclusion of this plot in a program essay shows that in the landowner environment expenses for education of younger generation were one of factors of ruin also. Terpigorev considers this factor one of fundamental. Possibly, it had many similar examples from life of neighbors — landowners. Otherwise, the author would hardly address this subject. In research literature this aspect is actually not covered.

Essays of Oskudneniye of S.N. Terpigorev undoubtedly are a valuable source on stories of the Russian landed gentry, especially, as for social psychology of landowners. Sergey Nikolaevich, stating the course of local "oskud-neniye", refracts this process through a prism of own experiences as the srednepomestny landowner. It, actually, also does its essays by the evidence of direct participation in "fight for existence of our nobility".


The author considers views of S.N. Terpigorev on the causes V A SHAPOVALOV of the pre-reform impoverishment of gentry, their socio-

psycological perception of the serfdom renunciation and difficul-BelgorodState University ties of the first post-reform years of reforming country estates.

e-mail: Key words: nobleman, serfs, renunciation of serdom, social


30 The movement of land tenure of hereditary noblemen from 1861 to 1897. The annex to the report of the National Noble Land Bank for 1896 SPb, 1898. Page 38 — 39; Extraction from descriptions of landowner manors of 100 souls from above. Voronezh province. Kursk province. SPb., 1860. T. 1. Data for 1863 are counted by us — V.Sh.
31 RGIA. T. 1281. Op. 7. 60. L. 2; In the same place. 72. L. 4.
32 S.N. Terpigorev (S. Atava). Collected works. T. 1. Part 1. Page 25 — 36.
Quentin Douglas Robert
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