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Lobbying as way of minimization of risks and interaction of the large companies with the state.



svezhy look

Preparation and education of new generation of scientists, maintenance of continuity of own schools of sciences and also development of interaction with young researchers of other scientific and training centers of our country, always was one of priorities of MGIMO. For this reason pages of the magazine of "MGIMO Bulletin" are always open for works of young, perspective specialists, both MGIMO, and other scientific institutions. At the same time, the existing headings of the magazine cannot contain in themselves everything articles of young researchers sent to edition that caused the necessity to provide them own tribune, having opened a special heading - "new view".

LOBBYING AS the WAY of MINIMIZATION of RISKS AND INTERACTION of the LARGE COMPANIES WITH the STATE

D.S. Belov *

In article some problems connected with a role of lobbying activity in interaction of the large companies with public authorities are considered. It is revealed that in the course of this interaction the company has certain risks which need to be minimized. Lobbying is one of ways of management of the arising risks designed to minimize potential losses and to maximize possible profit.

Economic history became subject to close attention of antikoved rather late, only on rubezheXIX — the 20th centuries. And during this time in researches of historians several approaches were issued. Under the influence of works Ad. Meyera1 and M.I. of Rostovtseva2 there was a moderniza-torsky approach which supporters considered antique economy as capitalist with all its attributes: as the industrial enterprises in various sectors of the economy, the workers similar to the modern proletariat, market communications, etc., though recognized specifics of the Roman capitalism. Too rectilinear comparisons with the present, rough stretches and distortion of those realities which contained in sources sparked criticism of both domestic, and foreign antikoved. In the West the "antimodernizatorsky" direction is most fully presented in M.'s works to Finli3 who indicated fundamental difference of antique economy from economic phenomena of the subsequent eras. In particular, the author notes absence in antiquity of the uniform market, existence of indissoluble communication what

nomik with social structure that essentially distinguishes antique society from capitalist. M. Finlay's researches gave the chance to historians closer to approach understanding of specifics of ancient economy. Supporters of such approach received the name "primitives". At all difference in approaches, both directions are united that historians proceed from identification of bigger or smaller similarity to capitalism that complicates disclosure of specifics of antique society.

However, recently differences between "modernists" and "primitives" became sglazhivatsya4. There was a group of historians who consider that the antique economy developed so as far as its internal potential allowed it.

In domestic science of the Soviet period the An-tikovedchesky researches on economy were based on the Marxist theory. The way of production, form of ownership and operation which remained out of the research field of the western antikoved was the focus of attention. In agriculture and in craft the main figure

* Dmitry Sergeyevich Belov is the graduate student of Department of comparative political science of MGIMO (U) the MFA of Russia, e-mail: world_politics@mgimo.ru.

during an era of blossoming of ancient Rome the slave and based on his work proizvodstvo5 near which there was a work small free remeslennikov6 and krestyan7 appears. Domestic anti-kovedy critically estimated both the modernizer-sky, and primitive directions in studying economy, on the one hand, having shown existence of the developed commodity-money relations, but, on the other hand, having emphasized that "the opinion of those who connect blossoming and decline of slaveholding economy with a condition of the market is not confirmed by sources" 8.

However and in the domestic science which was entirely under the influence of the Marxist theory despite all attempts to find out specifics of antique society, there was a mechanical transfer on antique economy of the principles of the analysis of capitalism: consideration of agricultural and handicraft trade as independent industries. One of essential features of antique Rome - "a limit sblizhennost of economic, state and political and personal, povsednevnobytovy spheres was ignored. In a classical antiquity they so naturally and deeply got each other what to divide them pretty often is impossible" 9. To the middle of the 1980th the traditional approaches to studying economic history in a domestic antikovedeniye were exhausted. Need of withdrawal from old stereotypes and approaches was realized.

At this time there is a number of the works which urged to look in a new way at the social and economic and socio-political processes proceeding in antiquity. The central place among them was taken by joint article V.I. Kuzishchina and E.M. Shta-erman. They fairly specified that at a research of antique economy it is necessary to proceed not from bigger or smaller similarity to capitalism, and from fundamental difference and specifics of a basis of society - antique civil community and (that was reflection of their commitment to traditional approaches) form of ownership inherent in it and forms of dependence. However, it was added that it is possible to allocate only with a big share of convention as dominating any given party: economic, social or politicheskuyu10. And "the interrelation of dependence economic with political and moral" 11 was peculiar feature of a classical antiquity. In this situation the antique slavery was not primary factor which caused features of the Greek-Roman society, but derivative of social and economic and political development of antique civil community.

So, in 1980 — the 90th both in western, and were outlined new approaches to studying antique economy taking into account features of ancient Rome in a domestic antikovedeniye. Economy researches through real behavior of the antique person in the context of social structure of antiquity became fruitful. According to the famous French historian Zh. Andro, a key role in an originality of antique economy was played by elite on which behavior and interests depended entirely economic deyatelnost12. The domestic historian G.S. Knabe paid attention that the Roman society consisted of a great number of microcollectives. In their framework decisions were made and plans of the antique citizen were implemented. Belonging of the person to any given collective also caused motivation of acts of the ancient Roman citizen in all spheres of life including in economic, economic deyatelnosti13. It became clear that the most fruitful approach to studying economy of antique Rome is possible when accounting all peculiar features of ancient Roman society and the fullest inclusion of all phenomena influencing forms economic deyatelnosti14.

In ancient Rome the surname which was the main social and economic cell of civil community acts as such nodal point. In it daily and household and economic activity mainly proceeded. And heads of notable surnames personified continuity of the state and political sphere from economic and personal, moral and ethical. Therefore studying economic life of the Roman surname will allow to understand all originality and specifics of economy of antique Rome.

This article represents a result of more than twenty-year researches of the author in the field of the economic history of ancient Rome. The main economic processes were considered in them through a prism of various aspects of everyday life of a surname.

Formally the surname was small patriarchal family of the Roman citizens (regardless of its size) which in general in the 3rd century BC finally developed as the independent social and economic organism which was playing a major role in life Roman civil obshchiny15. However the surname differed from family groups of other societies. Its main feature was the fact that being at the head of its domovladyk (paterfamilias) possessed the full power (patria po-testas) over all members of family group: the wife (if marriage was followed by transition under

the power of the husband), children and grandchildren - the family and usynovlennymi16. The Potestarny nature of family structure finds the highest expression in the right of the head of a surname to dispose of life and death subject lits17.

The power of the father of family had the sacral reasons. Domovladyka was the head of a family cult of worship of patrons of the house of ENT specialists and Penates in whom all took part: both free, and slaves. This religious cult was inherited by a surname from patrimonial structure. Honoring of ancestors and care of maintenance of a home and its purity were the main duty of the Roman citizen. Therefore the right to head and organize a religious cult and ability to reveal will of gods by means of fortune-telling - auspition was also given by paterfamilias powers of authority in family. All other forms of activity - wise and zealous managing of the head of the family for the sake of economic prosperity of a surname, reproduction in children, and then and transfer of all family complex to the successor after the death of the head were the main conditions of ensuring continuity of family religious rites.

Together with a duty to send a family cult the successor inherited also the power over family and also the right to dispose undividedly of all personal and real estate of a surname in which structure the Romans included also slaves who, also as well as other subject faces, were subordinated to its pote-stas. Already in ZakonahHI of tables meant by a surname also the gruppulitsa connected by family bonds, and imushchestvo18. Thus, her domineering character was the main feature of the Roman surname: all organization of life and activity of family group rotated around the power of paterfamilias. Therefore belonging to family is defined by submission to a domovladyka, the head of a family cult and the only owner of a personal authority (patria potestas) and family property. Romans considered patria potestas exclusively Roman institute, to unknown other people in such form (Gai. Inst. I. 55).

During an era of blossoming of the Republic the small family moves apart the borders. It has an extensive and diverse property in the city and in rural areas which in addition to social isolation promote the increasing economic independence of the Roman surname. It led to the fact that in ancient Roman economy it is almost impossible to draw a clear boundary between the separate industries as under capitalism. Really economic deya-

the telnost broke up to two branches: 1) handicraft and agricultural production within a surname, organized and controlled pater familias, and 2) economic activity within community, for satisfaction of needs of all her members. It was realized clearly both participants of labor process, and members civil obshchiny19.

The Roman surname is distinguished by the complex structure which is characterized by an interlacing of the potes-tare and kinship relations (a joint state under the power of a domovladyka and the general origin). In an orbit of influence of notable and rich families there were considerable groups of the free population: otpushchennik, clients, etc. And, at last, at each family group own religious cult which is going back to a cult of ancestors with the head remains. All these lines turn the Roman surname actually into family tribal community. Existence of sacrally clean and economically strong family were guarantee of prosperity of all Roman civil community. And therefore life of a surname and activity of its head was under control of the Roman civil collective which did not allow wasteful expenditure of means and property domovladykoy20.

It especially is important that the surname played the central role in formation of structure and structure of the Roman civil collective as it was possible to be a part of the Roman citizens only through a surname. The community regulated this process and defined the principles and mechanisms of its replenishment. Out of a surname could not stand neither free, nor the slave. To enter it or it was possible to leave only under control of community or, at least, from its permission, in particular, through practice of adoptions. Adopted got under the power to-movladyki, accepted his name and participated in family cults and had no right of adoption of independent decisions. Paterfamilias was in the Roman civil community the only full person in the sphere of private law and represented the interests of a surname beyond its limits at various disputes and the conflicts.

Transformation of Rome from small civil community to the Mediterranean power was followed by growth of trade and complication of the social and economic relations. It pressed for expansions of the rights of participation in economic circulation of all Romans, whether it be fathers of families or subject sons. It is possible to connect distribution of practice of release of children from under the fatherlike power (eman-tsipation) with it and consecutive development Rome -

sky lawyers of a system of claims in which to-movladyki were responsible to the third parties for the bargains concluded by subject members of a surname (both children, and slaves).

These aspects of imperious functions and the systems of submission directly influenced as structure and the organization of life of the Roman civil community, and one of the main phenomena of antique Rome - classical slavery. Slaves in ancient Rome made over a third of the population, but slavery was not obligatory for lifelong. In a surname both the slaves-inoplemenniki, and the slaves born in the house joined a cult Larov, primordial patrons of Italic slaves. Thus, their spiritual life was entered into the necessary framework. During the sacral religious rites they joined religious shrines - both family, and state. Under control of the head of family in political and economic activity, joint with it, subject acquired norms and rules of conduct and dominating in the society of value. The surname acted as the major structure within which there was a formation of the Roman as the citizen and preparation it to full and vigorous political, social and economic and military activity. Same completely treated slaves as the Roman slave was "a latent citizen": in Rome, unlike other societies, release from slavery led to investment of an otpushchennik with the civil rights and his inclusion in the structure of the Roman civil community. Made the decision on release of the slave only a domovladyk. However release was authorized by civil community or through participation of the censor or a pretor, or through presence of witnesses.

The slave who received freedom became the full citizen, but did not lose communication with a surname of the former owner. Otpushchennik received a patrimonial name and prenomen the former owner and became the member of a family of the boss, continuing to remain the participant of a patrimonial cult. However, having received legal freedom, he in many respects continued to depend on the head of a surname and fulfilled a number of duties: carried out working off, bore payments, bequeathed a part or even all property to the boss. The otpushchennik who violated terms of the contract could be turned into the slave again.

The slave collective was not uniform both in work forms, and by situation within a surname. All property, and slaves including, were divided into a surname city (familia urbana) and a surname rural (familia rustica). The city surname included slaves, about -

sluzhivavshy personal needs of misters as servants, and slaves to the handicraftsmen necessary for maintenance of activity of economy of a domovladyka. Originally the number of a city surname even at notable Romans was small. But already by the end of the 2nd century BC among the Roman nobility the fashion for numerous servants time to several hundred people extends. According to Horace, ten slaves are number of slaves, unacceptably small for the decent person (Horat. Sat. I. 3.12).

Among a city surname during an era of the Late republic the presence of skillful cooks and bakers, the slaves managing clothes, massage therapists, gardeners, cleaners and just servants became obligatory. An exclusive part was made by educated slaves (slave intellectuals): architects, doctors, teachers, copyists, librarians, musicians, etc. The important place in production activity of a surname was taken by handicraftsmen: spinners, weavers, suknovala, carpenters, etc. Slaves were appointed to honourable and important economic positions in a surname - treasurers and managing directors.

Position of slaves handicraftsmen in structure of a surname and their communication with mister gradually changed. Also the spiritual atmosphere reigning there, and together with it and the attitude towards handicraftsmen in society changed. Activity of the Roman family was initially indissolubly connected with house craft. Wives and daughters together with slaves on female half of the house were engaged in spinning and weaving. It was considered as pledge reigning in family moral chistoty21. With growth of a surname professional handicraftsmen appeared. Therefore the slaves occupied with spinning and weaving in the period of the Late republic and the Principate as a part of a surname - a commonplace. Burials of eight spinners and two weavers are found in a columbarium of notable family Statiliyev of Tauris: slave and slave. To them bakers (pi-stores) who ground flour and baked bread increased. Fullona were engaged in production of cloth and washing of clothes, there were carpenters, bricklayers, workers on metal and workmen (fabri) trained in various specialties. Within a year for them there was always some work on production necessary and also to home repair and repair of various utensils and clothes.

Together with rapid development of craft in the II—I centuries BC the situation and forms of communication ra-bov-remeslennikovs mister changed. To support the skilled worker who was involved to works only from time to time it was burdensome. Therefore delivery ra-practiced

bov-handicraftsmen for rent. The slave received in quality a pekuliya tools for work, and even the whole workshop or a bench, and was obliged to bring to the owner the stipulated part of earnings. On delivery in hiring of the slaves trained in construction business, Crassus scared together a considerable part of the fortune. Slaves handicraftsmen quickly brought a large income that sometimes pushed the nobility on criminal acts. The notorious deputy of Sicily Guy Ver-res took away from residents of the province of slaves handicraftsmen and arranged workshops: on production of silver ware, weaver's and dye-houses. In specially organized workshops both own slaves to the owner, and hired worked.

The way when like free masters the slave handicraftsman with the pekuliy which also assistants-slaves (vicars) often entered itself looked for work became very widespread and was employed for its performance. Varron advises to employ workmen at neighbors, but not to hold the. Katanas paid the employed workers at construction of a villa at the rate of 1 sesterce from each tile. Sallyusty employed the skillful cook Dama for the huge sum of 100 thousand sesterces a year. The slaves handicraftsmen included in the active production sphere practically were torn off from surnames with their cast-iron discipline, traditions, cults, with their moral atmosphere. The handicraftsmen excluded from labor process, joint with owners, were considered negatively as the group alien to traditional morals and a system on-vedeniya22. They kept only the monetary relations with mister. The saved-up means allowed them then to be redeemed on will.

But having separated from surname life, such slaves joined in public and religious life, becoming members of various boards and associations: cult, professional or funeral. There were boards consisting only of slaves and otpushchennik, but were also the mixed structure, and, judging by inscriptions from Rome and from a set of small towns, slaves along with free held in them senior positions of masters and ministers of boards. Boards participated in official Roman and city cults, were engaged in propaganda during elections of the highest officials in the cities, for example, in Pompeii where on walls of houses pre-election inscriptions on behalf of any given boards are found. The authorities, naturally, were anxious with to put such slaves and freedmen under control.

All originality of classical slavery in antique Rome in general and roles rabov-remeslen-

nicknames in economic life in particular in many respects was defined by duality of position of the slave in a surname. In sense of justice of Romans the slave was at the same time perceived and as a thing (res), the speaking tool (instrumentum vocale, by Mark Terention Varron's definition - RR. 1.17.1), and as face (persona). The slave, on the one hand, was absolutely powerless that approved the full power of misters over slaves, up to the right of life and death, and a possibility of merciless operation. And with another, he at the same time served as direct continuation of the identity of mister. The entrusted slaves were entrusted to increase property of a domovladyka. They were agents of misters in the most various delakh23: lent money under percent, organized the trade sea enterprises and even as Cicero reports, went with various instructions to provinces and participated together with misters in management of these won territories. And starting with Caesar the slaves began to join in various structures of public administration. So for the slave the field of economic activity which often proceeded on considerable removal from mister opened. It limited possibilities of control over slaves, but allowed a surname to get on new territories and not only to derive income, but also to broaden the sphere of political and economic impact of paterfamilias24. However everything that was got through the slave, was got for mister (Gai. Inst. I. 52).

Influence of slaves and otpushchennik grew in economic life together with growth of the authority of their misters and cartridges. The authority and influence of the Roman nobility were not least connected with large number and various resources of a surname. Relying on crowds of the slaves, otpushchennik and clients which quite often came down in the armed groups (as at Claudia or Milona), heads of notable families started open bloody skirmishes and created violence, especially during civil wars, for capture of someone else's property or the statement of a dominant position in society. It led to allocation and opposition of private surnames of the nobility to civil community, and family craft - communal. Subsequently it found the fullest expression in the special provision of an imperial surname in the Roman state.

Misters tried that the slave servants differed in beauty, fresh complexion and an ukhozhennost as through it estimated welfare, wealth and the provision of a surname in society. Slaves in city surnames were ho-

rosho are dressed and received a monthly ration in four wheat modiya - as much how many and the citizen soldier during a campaign. Besides, both slaves servants, and slaves handicraftsmen, as a rule, had pekuliya, the additional income bringing to them. However, misters, in turn constantly demanded for it from slaves to gifts at the slightest pretext, and as the Roman comedy dramatists report if they did not receive them, then slaves were beaten.

Besides city property the notable family had also several estates where the slaves entering a rural surname lived. The greatest distribution to an era of the Republic was received by villas of the average sizes (100 — 250 yuger of the earth) described in Katon and Varron's treatises. Katanas reports that on a villa where the basis is formed by an olive garden, there are enough thirteen slaves, and with a vineyard sixteen slaves are necessary. On such villas the rational organization of labor of slaves became possible, and their operation reached the highest rastsveta25. For the city slave the reference to a villa was one of the most terrible punishments. Working conditions only in mines and stone quarries were heavier. Rural slaves were much less connected with mister and his cults, "were less Romanized", and there was a fertile field for An-tirimsky moods. In these farms various cultures for needs of a surname were grown up, but one or two industries (wine growing, olives-kovodstvo, etc.) as a rule, were focused on the market. Sale of the grown-up products in the market gave small, but steady income.

However estates were not only agricultural organisms. By the time of Varron the creation in estates of craft workshops which supplemented trade and craft institutions in the city became usual. It generated essentially new situation: strong merge of handicraft and agricultural production within a surname in uniform production process26. There was a new way of the movement of goods, passing the market. The products which are grown up on villas arrived directly and for livelihood of a city surname, and as raw materials for the craft workshops entering property of a surname both in the city, and in pomestye27. It led to narrowing of the sphere of the market relations at the general increase in production.

The Roman surname as Seneca and Pliny Mladshy noted, appears as tiny similarity of the state with the isolated life, hierarchy, the organization of the power and the system of managing. Handicraft and agricultural production was organically supplemented the friend

the friend, that constantly increased economic power of a surname, influence and authority of its head. The becoming complicated activity of a surname which was reproduced in the increasing scales struck the free producers working for the market of community, ruining them and involving in the sphere of influence, and even subordinating in any given form. The notable surname establishes gradually control not only over production, but also over sale. During the Principate era the Roman nobility will organize fairs-nundiny in the manors, gradually drawing the center of economic life from the city serving ordinary citizens to the village. The surname thanks to it rose over community and its production and subordinated to the interests. But as the surname had an opportunity for self-sufficiency and gravitated to an autarchy, prerequisites to restriction of market communications were created, and the economy of ancient Rome from commodity forms inevitably went to naturalization otnosheniy28.

Thus, all history of ancient Roman economy was defined by relationship and opposition of two spheres: communal and family production where the economy of a surname played the leading role. Both blossoming of commodity production, and its decline, and transition to natural economy were directly connected with trends of development and expansion of economy of a surname.

The surname historically developed as the main social and economic cell of antique Rome. Throughout existence of the Roman society and the state she acted as one of its major institutes from which formation and blossoming directly connected development and prosperity of ancient Rome not only in economy, but also in all other areas. And the problems arising in her were created by the crisis phenomena in various spheres of life of society: from policy and economy to culture and ideology.

Boris S. Lyapustin. Roman familia and the new approach to Ancient Roman Economic History

The article deals with the new approach to Ancient Rome economy investigations in the light of Roman familia, which gave rise to such features as confluence of craft and agriculture within the limits of a single organism, arrival of goodsfrom estates to workshops escaping market, as well as transformation ofslave into active figure ofeconomic activity. The rise, decline and transition to the naturalization of the economy is entirely connected with thefamilia&s household development, which strongly attached to self-sufficiency and naturalization increasing more and more.

1. Meyer Ad. Economic development of the ancient world. SPb., 1898.
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23.

RostovtzeffM. Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft im römischen Kaiserreich. Bd. I \II. Leipzig, 1929; M.I. Rostovtsev society an ikhozyaystvo in the Roman Empire / Lane with it. T. I \II. SPb., 2000 — 2001.

Finley, M. I. Ancient Economy. Berkeley—Los Angeles, 1973. AndreaU | J., Etienne, R. Vingt ans de recherches sur l&archaïsme et la modernité des sociétés antiques//REA. 1984. 86. P. 65 — 69.

E.M. Shtayerman. Blossoming of the slaveholding relations in the Roman republic. M, 1964; E.M. Shtayerman, M.K. Trofimova. The slaveholding relations in the early Roman Empire (Italy). M, 1971.

E.M. Shtayerman. Ancient Rome: problems of economic development. M, 1978.

V.I. Kuzishchin. The Roman slaveholding estate of the 2nd century BC — the 1st century AD of M., 1973.

E.M. Shtayerman. Ancient Rome... Page 108.

Knabeg S. Istoriya. Life. Antiquity//Life and history in antiquity. M, 1988. Page 12.

V.I. Kuzishchin, Shtayerman. M. Economika and the politician in antique society//VI. 1989. No. 8. Page 41 — 45.

In the same place. Page 52.

Andreau, J. Les Affaires de Monsieur Jucundus. Rome.1974; Idem. La vie financière dans le monde romain. Rome, 1987; It. M.I. Rostovtsev and economic behavior of elite//VDI. 1994. No. 3. Page 223 — 229.

Knabeg. S. Uk. soch. Page 6 — 17.

Scientists of the different countries are engaged in development of this perspective; see, for example: Mentalités et choix économiques des Romains/Sous la directiond de Jean Andreau, Jérôme France Sylvie Pittia. Bordeaux, 2004.

Lyapustinb. S. Familiya and the Roman civitas in the 3rd century BC: ways of development//the Power, the person, society in a classical antiquity. M, 1997.

Page 234 — 243.

Franchozidzh. An institutional course of the Roman right / Lane with ital.; otv. edition L.L. Kofanov. M, 2004. Page 122 — 145. V.M. Smirin. Patriarchal representations and their role in public consciousness of Romans//the Culture of Ancient Rome / Under the editorship of E.S. Golubtsova. T. II. C. 5 — 78. For more details see: D.V. Dozhdev. Roman archaic law of succession. M, 1993. Page 118 — 137.

B.S. Lyapustin. Handicraftsmen on the Minerva's holiday//Wednesday, the personality, society. M, 1992. Page 31 — 36; Lyapou-stine B. Rites de passage dans le monde artisanal à Pompéi (Ier siècle ap. J.-C.)//L&Initiation. Actes du Colloque international de Montpellier, 11 — 14 avril 1991/Études rassemblées par A. Moreau. T. II. Montpellier, 1992. P. 19 — 26. B.S. Lyapustin. Economic development of ancient Rome in the light of the law Oppiya on luxury//From the history of antique society. N. Novgorod. 1991. Page 50 — 61.

It. Women in weaver's craft: production and morals. VDI. 1985. No. 3. Page 36 — 46.

In the same place. Page 45.

Cf.: Andreau, J. Les esclaves of "hommes d&affaires" et la gestion des ateliers et commerces//Mentalités et choix économiques des Romains. P. 111 — 126.

24. B.S. Lyapustin Magister in economic structure of the Roman familia II of one or II century BC of century AD. (To a question of functions and competences of slave magister)//the Messenger Moscow un-that. It is gray. 8. History. 2007. No. 3. Page 85 — 105. About the place and a role of slaves in management of a surname of economy see also: M.V. Durnovo. The slave managing director in the Roman rural manor of an era of a principate (economic activity and legal status)//VDI. 2004. No. 2. Page 101 — 124.
25. See V.I. Kuzishchin. Roman slaveholding estate...

With 53 — 13326. B.S. Lyapustin. The place and a role of family craft in structure of ancient Roman economy//VDI. 1992. No. 3. Page 52 — 67.

27. B.S. Lyapustin. Structure of connections of craft workshops with the market and agricultural okrugy in Pompeii 1st century AD//VDI. 1983. No. 3. Page 59 — 80; It. The organization of economic life of a notable surname in Pompeii//the Classical antiquity and archeology. Issue 13. Saratov, 2008. Page 253 — 265.
28. B.S. Lyapustin. Place and role. Page 66.

Lobbying is a striking example of interaction of the state and non-state actors, from group of the small companies to giant corporations, the rendering influence of one of the parties having character on another, and therefore having a print of potential risks and uncertainty. Today it is possible to note that the area of a research of political risks in relation to lobbying activity remains insufficiently studied. At the same time ignoring of such risks is accompanied by a possibility of considerable losses, both for the actors lobbying the interests, and for the state and society.

Depending on a role and the place of economic entity, its share in the corresponding segment of the market, weight in economic and social life of the area, region or country in general, his needs for any given penetrations level in power structures (from local governments to federal executive authorities) for the purpose of the solution of issues of expansion or protection of the business interests are formed. Degree of interest in such "penetration" depends on existence of the actual opportunities of bodies of authority and management to make the decisions in one form or another providing achievement of the objects set by the economic actor.

Lobbyism - the phenomenon many-sided. Often associate representation of interests, rendering impact in various forms on public authorities, institutes of communication between public authorities, political institutes and society with it, at the same time lobbying is meant as the highly skilled activity making political sense and legal justification.

The condition of lobbyism in modern Russia is caused by historical, political and cultural features of development of the country. Active interest in a lobbying perspective in the Russian political science arose in the early nineties. At the moment domestic researchers allocate three types of lobbyism.

The first type is a so-called "direct" lobbyism. In a common understanding it is traditional lobbyism which is carried out at direct contact of the lobbyist with the representative of the government when purposeful work with representatives of power institutions is conducted to achieve acceptance necessary to the lobbying party of decisions, and generally by forces of professional lobbyists. Those institutes are executive (the government, the ministries and departments) and legislative (the Federation Council, the State Duma), judicial authorities of the power are more rare.

The second type is a so-called "indirect" lobbyism when contacts of lobbyists with the decision-maker or are absent, or contacts are available, but they have no rights to introduce bills in parliament. Importance of such lobbyists is that they have an opportunity to have effective impact on legislative process1. Various actions in the form of large-scale campaigns vSMI, petition, mailing of letters, noisy actions for support or against concrete decisions, often addressless, directed to receiving support of public opinion and the positive relation of those on whom the decision depends will for this purpose be organized.

At last, the third type is an "internal" lobbyism when the interests in authorities are advocated by those who work in them or have to them direct access.

It should be noted what researches of the questions connected with lobbying activity in modern Russia and risks inherent in it is complicated in view of lack of objective information, not readiness of the legal framework and also variety of approaches and interpretations of the term. Thus, the most available to the analysis remains practice of lobbyism, its tools and methods.

To understand in what way the lobbyist can influence any given decision, it is important to consider concept "access point" 2. N.G. Zyablyuk gives the following definition of this concept: "Any element of political system (public authority or its division, fraction in parliament, the deputy or other official, the party mechanism, elections, the procedure, jurisdiction, power and

etc.) which has the qualities doing it capable in total with other elements or even independently to play essential or defining, and even a crucial role in the fate of the considered bill or administrative act" 3.

Proceeding from this treatment, conditions for lobbying activity in many respects depend on existence and quantity of potentially possible "points of access". Than above their quantity, that high probability of the fact that lobbying efforts will be productive.

By what it is stronger branched out and p is more difficult?

Vivien Cory
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