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"Waves" of the Russian modernizations of the XIX-XX centuries and welfare evolution of the people of the North Caucasus

UDK 93 (470.6)


© 2010. A.H. Borov

Kabardino-Balkarian state university, Kabardino-Balkar State University,

Chernyshevsky St., 173, Nalchik, KBR, 360000 Chernishevskiy St., 173, Nalchik, KBR, 360000

Trends of historical process in the region of the North Caucasus for the XIX-XX centuries are considered. It is shown that they had in general modernization focus, but the dualism of traditional and modern, ethnic and supranational local societies and cultures in structures by the end of the 1980th far was not overcome. From here the most part of modern problems of regional development results.

The article presents an assessment of major trends of historical process in the region of Northern Caucasus during the XIX - XX th centuries. It is argued that their general drift was towards modernization but the duality of traditional vs. modern, ethnic vs. transnational etc. in the structures of local societies and cultures was by no means overcome towards the end of 1980s. From here originate most of current problems in regional development.

Final inclusion of the people of the North Caucasus in the social and economic, administrative and political and cultural environment of the Russian society and the states led to radical change of bases and mechanisms of their historical development. It is possible to tell that between an era of their autonomous social being on the basis of own sociocultural tradition and an era of stay in structure of Russia really there is a deep rupture of historical continuity. On the other hand, an era from 1860th and up to our days is characterized by basic unity of the contents. Externally opposite political and ideological forms of the imperial, Soviet and Post-Soviet periods are penetrated by through lines of formation of modern forms of economy, sociality and culture. Within this era the subject "Russia and Caucasus" gets qualitatively new sounding. In the XVI-XVIII centuries the main motive in it was the problem of political interaction of various historical subjects keeping the independence and originality. During the Caucasian war - a compatibility problem in one state organism of significantly various sociocultural systems. And from 60th of the 19th century the problem of joint development, i.e. organic inclusion of the North Caucasus in processes of the Russian modernization becomes the main motive. Key for the state policy of Russia in the North Caucasus is a question of a ratio of a system of the power and management in the region with processes of transformation of local societies from now on.

The modern scientific Caucasus studies give rather weighed estimates imperial pravitelst-

wine policy in the region. At the same time two of its characteristic features - competence and pragmatism are distinguished. That is why throughout stay of the Caucasus as a part of the Russian Empire the special forms of government edge remained. Already the first deputy M.S. Vorontsov stopped former trying to accept here the Russian provincial system and, having refused former territorial division, returned natural borders of ethnic groups [1, page 301]. Further this approach was implemented in the system of so-called military and national management. In this regard observation is represented important that during all "the imperial period" of development of the region of one of top trends in its administrative device the gradual, but steady approach of a contour of administrative borders to outlines of borders ethnic was - the welfare distance between various groups of the population of the region tore away the unified management [2, page 8].

Scales and depth of impact of reforms of 1860 - the 1870th on an internal system of local societies, on economic and household way and religious life of rural communities were not so considerable. There was rather a blasting foundations of traditional society, than its transformation. Situation was aggravated with the fact that privileged estates of local societies did not acquire the rights of the Russian nobility, and the population in general had the status of foreigners. But at the same time there were dynamic changes in the economic, social and cultural environment surrounding the people of the North Caucasus.

With construction of the railroads the industrial character is gained by oil production, nonferrous metallurgy, production of cement, cotton processing. Prois-

intensive growth of trade goes. At the same time the industry was concentrated in several cities, and no of them can be considered the industrial center literally. About a half of all trade turnovers was concentrated in six cities, five of which - Novorossiysk, the ESA-terinodar, Armavir, Yeysk and Stavropol - were in steppe and only Vladikavkaz - in a mountain part of the region [3, page 398 - 399].

Indigenous people remained in places of traditional accommodation [4, page V]. In the vast majority it was country people. If in general on the Tersky region the urban population made nearly 13%, then among Kabardians, for example, the share of urban population made 0.8%; at Chechens and Ingushs - respectively 0.3 and 0.8%; and among the Ossetians who are most urbanized from the mountain people equaled 4% [4, page II; 5, page 184]. From among the Dagestan people the significant share among citizens was made only by Kumyks, other Dagestanis were almost not presented in the cities of area [6, page 38].

The local community was involved in the market relations almost only through realization of products of craft, traditional crafts, agriculture and livestock production. Cases of enterprise activity in processing of agricultural products, horse breeding, the industry had single character. Unconditional domination of traditional types of activity, first of all - agriculture and livestock production remained. For example, on the Tersky region in general in agriculture 81.2%, and were engaged in manufacturing industry and city crafts - 5.4% of the population. Among Balkars respectively - 90 and 1.2%; among Chechens and Ingushs - 97 and 0.5%; among Kabardians - 97.6 and 0.3% [4, page 140 - 147].

Against the background of relative social low-mobility of the mountain people of the North Caucasus the radical reorganization of its ethnodemographic structure became the most visible expression of social and economic and cultural shifts in the region. In 60 - the 90th of the 19th century in the districts of Tersky and Dagestan areas inhabited by the mountain people the natural increase remained lowered, in comparison with all-Russian. On the other hand, the share of Russians and Ukrainians in the North Caucasus grew at extraordinary high rates. Absolute domination of the Russian-speaking population by the end of the 19th century took place in the Kuban region (90.4%) and the Stavropol province (95%). But also places of traditional residence of the mountain people in the Tersky region gained deeply polietnichny character. Russians made 33.7% here, but also the local community was ethnically motley and multilingual [7, page 144 - 207]. The insignificant percent of Russians lived in Dagestan where 95% of the population of the area fell to the share of the numerous local people [3, page 385].

What is now presented in the form of statistical material for the people of the region acted as change of all picture of the world around. From it

time the dualism, duality of social structure and social institutes at which and through which they carry out the activity becomes fundamental line of social life of mountaineers of the North Caucasus. The habitual, "natural" institutes, representations and norms rooting in ethnosocial and ethnocultural tradition of each people join in modern now ("imperial", "Russian"), a sociocultural and legal context, interacting with it, being under its powerful pressure.

Reaction of local society to a situation of dualism was far ambiguous. In each people also trends of adaptation to new reality, and the aspiration "to leave" from an unusual order, and attempt of resistance proved. Active resistance of the Russian power, to tax burden, administrative and judicial, land and other transformations was expressed in sporadic disorders, and at times in rather mass and powerful revolts of the mountain population of all North Caucasus. But in the long term the deep and pervasive influence on the population of Dagestan and Chechnya of radical forms of Islam was its most significant manifestation.

It was almost impossible to overcome their nutrient medium military and administrative or even by actually political methods. They were supported by peculiar "mosaicity" of social and economic structure of the region. Borders of social and economic sectors and ways often coincided with borders ethnic here. For the local ethnic societies keeping exclusively agrarian character, the question of the earth was the most important and sensitive issue. And here it had unlike provinces of radical Russia not so much social, class how many "national" contents. Not the conflict of landowner and country land tenure in separate ethnic societies, and contradictions between the separate people inhabiting mountain, foothill and flat parts of the region, and the main thing between actually North Caucasian people and the Cossack population was its cornerstone [8, page 83].

It is impossible to exaggerate scales and depth of inclusion of the North Caucasian people in modernization processes of the post-reform period. Ethnosocial communities of the region had now truncated, incomplete sociopolitical structure, were shattered and closed within local social units - rural communities. Strict administrative and police control allowed functioning of elements of public self-government only at the communal level. Very limited were scales of inclusion of local ethnic areas in the system of the All-Russian market. The sociocultural isolation which remained throughout this period, kind of "anklavnost" of the North Caucasian societies sharply reduced possibilities of organic and positive assimilation of social and cultural innovations, successful adaptation to public dynamics of the modernized Russia.

But, on the other hand, the main collisions and antagonisms of social and political development of prerevolutionary Russia also did not find direct reflection in the North Caucasus. The main prerequisites of violation of socio-political balance in the region were created by contradictions of the most Russian imperial modernization and maturing of its revolutionary "failure".

Formation of a system of the government and management on the principles of national and territorial autonomy after Civil war came on the basis of a combination of initiatives and the will going from below (from separate national groups, from local party and Soviet elite), and acceptances of the final decisions by the supreme bodies of the government of RSFSR. In terms of synthesis of historical experience of the Soviet period the main thing is that the national statehood of the people of the North Caucasus defined a political, territorial and administrative form within which there was a further welfare development of these people.

Various aspects of socio-political evolution of the North Caucasian societies were implemented unevenly. In the 1920th into the forefront shifts in cultural and ideological and administrative political environment acted at relative stability of a traditional system of managing and rural tenor of life. In the 1930th the continuous collectivization, nationalization of rural economy and bureaucratization of collective farms lead to demolition of "post-reform" social and organizational and economic structure, undermine spiritual and ideological autonomy of the mountain aul which was till this time the center of reproduction of ethnosocial and ethnocultural tradition. Then the period of the Great Patriotic War gave to the people of the North Caucasus as a matter of fact the first since their entry into structure of Russia experience of national participation in the tragedy, general for the whole country, and mass participation in the armed protection of the state against the external enemy. In the 1950th in the majority of the republics of the North Caucasus the social leadership passes to the Soviet generation of local societies, and the state system of training and education turns into the main mechanism of socialization of younger generations.

Reproduction of local educated elite (party and Soviet, economic, scientific and technical, etc.) gradually ceases to depend on the "vydvizhenchestvo" going from above and acts as an indicator of "internal" social mobility of local ethnic societies. Thus, processes of cultural and psychological adaptation to conditions and requirements of socialist modernization generally come to the end.

Comparison of materials of a population census of 1939 and 1959 allows to conclude that ethnosocial development of the people which underwent compulsory deportation happened during this period in the same on -

board, as at those people of the North Caucasus which deportation did not concern. At the same time social and economic statistics fixes maintaining essential differences in depth and scales of integration of any given national groups into the public system of the Soviet Russia. In general, probably, at those people which had the considerable mass of mountain country people positions of social leadership of traditional elite and the delay of processes of sociocultural adaptation caused by it remained more steadily, and experience of deportation gave to this circumstance the known social and psychological tension. But the inertia of the state discipline and an order and broad public thirst for tranquility and wellbeing remaining still during this period created conditions for the new period of ethnopolitical stability in the region and modernization breakthrough of local societies.

Three decades since the end of the 1950th and until the end of the 1980th became time of significant changes in the North Caucasian societies. These years there is a real and intensive modernization of social and economic structures (urbanization, industrialization) and original revolution in the culture of local societies. Changes of social and economic structures are defined not so much by reorganization of social and demographic structure of the population as a result of mechanical inflow of the Russian-speaking population now from the outside of the region how many transformations of the most ethnic society, its reorientation from reproduction of traditional social and cultural samples to social innovations, on modernization. The bulk of the population and youth first of all becomes the "active" party in interaction of the dualistic beginnings of tradition and innovations.

The most generalized indicator of these processes is the urbanization. So, the urban population in RSFSR for 1959 - 1979 grew by 1.6 times. For the same period the number of urban population among Ossetians increased by 2.5 times, Avars, Dargins, Kumyks and Lezgians - in 2.9; Kabardians - in 3.9; Balkars - in 5.5; Chechens - in 6; Ingushs - by 10.2 times [9, page 18, 27, 388 - 407; 10, page 4].

Other indicator of sociocultural modernization - the education level of the population - also underwent high-quality changes. In 1939 it remained with the different people of the region ranging from 4.1 up to 11.9% to all population on secondary education and from 0.3 to 0.9% - on the higher education. In 1989 the share of the persons having secondary education fluctuated from 47 to 50.9%, the highest and average special - from 24.1 to 31.7% of the total number of persons of this nationality [11, page 105 - 111; 12, page 158 - 169].

As a result by 1989 when in general across RSFSR on 1 thousand people of the population at the age of 15 years is also more senior 806 people with the highest were necessary and average (full and incomplete) education, in the North Caucasus this indicator fluctuated from the minimum 750 people in Chechen-Ingushetia to maximum 831 in North Ossetia [12, page 158 - 164].

So dynamically rapprochement with the all-Russian indicators on the specific weight of the main public groups occurred. In RSFSR the share of workers in total population grew from 54, 0% in 1959 to 60.5% in 1989, i.e. for 6.5%. Across the North Caucasus growth was: in Adygea 15.3% (from 41.7 to 57%), in Karachay-Cherkessia - 1.6 (from 62.4 to 64%), in Kabardino-Balkaria - 20.3 (from 38.3 to 58.6%), in North Ossetia - 14.4 (from 44.7 to 59.1%), in Chechen-Ingushetia - 10.4 (from 60.1 to 70.5%), in Dagestan-35.8% (from 26.9 to 62.7%). There was an alignment and on the specific weight of employees. In 1989 it was across the North Caucasus ranging from 21.5 up to 30.5% against the average Russian indicator in 32% [9, 12].

In 1960 - the 1970th the industrial structure of the North Caucasian autonomies is considerably modernized. The population of the North Caucasian republics and areas joined thereby in process of social and economic development, uniform for the whole country, mastered the forms of production activity, a city way of life and cultural consumption, general for modern economy. Content of the secondary and professional education more and more broadly covering the people of the North Caucasus was under construction on a general scientific rationalistic basis. But deleting of national sides of social space of the region by the end of the Soviet era, of course, did not happen.

First of all certain "lag" of the North Caucasian ethnosocial communities in modernization parameters from the all-Russian level and from the Russian-speaking population of the North Caucasus [13] remained.

Ethnoreproduction processes of the autochthonic people of the North Caucasus were localized almost only within the territory of their traditional accommodation. So, among the Russian population there is RSFSR only 46, 5% for the moment of a census of 1979 lived in the place of the birth, at the people of the North Caucasus which were not exposed to deportation (Avars, Dargins, Kumyks, Lezgians, Kabardians, Adyghes, Circassians), these rates were from 71.4 to 76.0% [14, page 276 - 279].

At the same time growth of specific weight of urban population was not followed by decrease in absolute number of country people here as it usually occurs in the conditions of an urbanization. Across RSFSR in general increase in specific weight of urban population for 1959 - 1989 from 52.2 to 73.4% was followed by reduction of absolute number of country people on 17 million people (from 56.1 to 39.1 million). Among the North Caucasian autonomies only in North Ossetia there was an insignificant reduction of number of country people (to 214.1 to 198.7 thousand people). In other republics of the region the country people increased [9, page 18 - 21; 15, page 24 - 33].

In addition this circumstance served as the factor interfering processes of cultural and language assimilation. So, for example, 22.3% of the Chuvash, 14.2% of the Tatar and 10.1% of the Bashkir population

RSFSR considered the native language Russian, but not language of the nationality. This indicator among the people of the North Caucasus reached the greatest value at Ossetians (6.4%), at the others it remained ranging from 1.1% - with Chechens up to 2.2% - at Kabardians [12, page 38 - 41].

Ethnosocial and ethnocultural features of the North Caucasian people affected at development of both the Soviet forms of modernization, and "gaps" of an economic system of late state socialism by them (shadow economy, export on the Russian markets of private agricultural products, "shabashnichestvo", etc.). In Chechnya (and, perhaps, in Dagestan) where the country people made the huge social massif, official ideological and power structures not so much managed it how many framed its activity with the "Soviet" scenery.

At the same time modernization shifts of 1960 - put the 80th new factors of ethnosocial consolidation of the people of the North Caucasus in action: social and geographical mobility, intensification of social interactions, mass education and expansion of a group of the national intellectuals. All this caused noticeable raising of feelings of the national community and national pride connected with own history and the high value status of ethnocultural heritage in the people of the region. At the same time mechanisms of training and education of younger generations at all levels (including family) were reoriented on active development of vital chances within "big" Soviet society. Traditional institutes, communications and norms worked as the ethnic resource providing individual social mobility and success in various spheres of public life.

In general for the people of the North Caucasus the Soviet era was time of intensive development, real modernization. The characteristic feeling of social progress, overcoming "anklavnost" and expansion of the horizons for yesterday still especially traditional societies had quite real reasons. The ethnic society went beyond rural communities and gradually filled national-state "form"; the group of modern ethnic elite extended, the completeness and syncretism of its public functions were restored (economic, administrative, cultural and ideological); channels of the ascending social mobility in ethnic society opened. In a word, there was a regeneration of "full" socio-political structure of the North Caucasian ethnosocial communities. All this was reflected in formation of a difficult configuration of the national identity of the people of the region which included both consciousness of belonging to supranational Soviet political and civil community, and consciousness of the of "the natural rights" to national statehood.

At the same time the nature of development of modernization processes in the region, their general results not

allow to consider that the dualistich-nost of social and economic structures and cultural orientations of the North Caucasian ethnic societies was overcome. However it underwent noticeable modification by the end of the Soviet era. First, the dualism began to characterize internal state of each ethnic society. At early stages of transformations the local ethnosocial communities acted on the socioeconomic map of the region as some kind of enclaves of traditionalism which are exposed to external modernization influences. By 1980th in the depths of each of them the sectors, spheres, institutes, social groups whose functioning and activity embodied results of social and economic and cultural modernization were created. Secondly, interaction of ethnosocial and ethnocultural traditions with modern forms of production, organizational and administrative, welfare activity still generated certain phenomena of social and psychological tension. But contents it became more difficult. In public consciousness it is contradictory the positive relation to modern forms of activity and an appreciation of ethnocultural tradition, dissatisfaction in connection with difficulties of access to prestigious professional spheres and alarm concerning possible loss of national roots are combined.

Thus, for the XIX-XX centuries in the North Caucasus three models of converting policy were realized: the imperial and liberal reforms 60 - the 70th of the 19th century, socialist construction of the Soviet era as a modernization form, democratic and market reforms of the 1990th

The first wave of transformations was designed to set military-political results of the Caucasian war, it was developed in the conditions of the general strengthening of the Russian state and implementation of the system, but gradual and controlled from above reforms by it. For public policy in the Caucasus the problem of stronger integration of the region into imperial socio-political space was priority. This problem was solved taking into account sociocultural specifics on the basis of a combination of unconditional supremacy of the central power to elements of judicial and administrative autonomy of the region.

The second, socialist, the wave of public transformations began to be carried out in the North Caucasus after Civil war in the conditions of consolidation of the Soviet state. Unlike reforms of the 19th century they had extremely deep, radical character, were implemented by the forced rates on the basis of rigid administrative centralization and political and ideological unification. Since the end of the 1920th at implementation of political, economic and social transformations the sociocultural specifics of local societies were completely ignored. But at the same time the ethnoterritorial (national-state) principle of the state and political organization of the people remained

the region, and process of socialist construction bore to the people of the region real social and economic modernization.

The present stage of public transformations was developed in the conditions of disintegration of allied statehood and sharp easing of statehood Russian. At the same time "market" and "democratic" transformations assumed a deep radical gap with a former social and political system, its total delegitimation in public consciousness. The carried-out reforms had the forced character and did not provide any accounting of specificity of social and economic structures and sociocultural traditions both the Russian society in general, and its separate ethnoregional segments. The real course of events in the country developed into deep crisis of statehood and universal blasting foundations of public order. As a result the Russian revolution of "modernization" of the end of the 20th century nearly more turned back an arkhaization call for the people of the North Caucasus.

Article is prepared within implementation of the FTP "Scientific and research and educational personnel of innovative Russia" for 2009 - 2013.


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Came to edition On November 24, 2009

Scognamiglio Leonzia Miranda
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