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 © 2008 A. Kvashnin


Censorship 184 BC, undoubtedly, are one of the brightest events of political history of the first half of the 2nd century BC. Both domestic, and foreign researchers repeatedly addressed it [1-5]. Separate aspects of activity of censors were studied 184 BC rather in detail, however the election campaign did not receive appropriate lighting. First of all it is explained by brevity of the sources which did not leave the detailed description. As it is represented, events of pre-election fight in many respects explain 184 BC sense and the sequence of actions of censors which unusual nature is noted by all sources. In a domestic antikovedeniye the detailed analysis of an election campaign was not carried out in this connection within this work an attempt to liquidate this gap is made, having reconstructed most fully the events connected with elections of censors to define tactics and the strategy of pre-election fight and also presence of election programs at applicants.

Most in detail censorship is covered 184 BC in compositions Libya and Plutarch. Both authors note that censorship was preceded by quite unusual election campaign. The candidature were proposed by patricians Lutsy Valery Flakk, Publy Cornelius Scipio Nazika, Luzy Cornelius Scipio Asian, Gney Manly Volson, Lutsy Fury Purpureon and plebeians Mark Portsy Katon, Mark Fulvy Nobilior, Tibery Semprony Long, Mark Semprony Tuditan (Liv.39.40.2-3). As Livy notes, fight for censorship was fierce what points first of all number of applicants to - nine people. Among candidates there were four victors (Mark Portsy Katon, Lutsy Scipio Asian, Mark Fulvy Nobilior, Gney Manly Volson), and three already participated in elections 189 BC (Lutsy Valery Flakk, Mark Portsy Katon, Publy Scipio Nazika). All applicants who had loud military victories or notable origin had certain chances of success.

At the same time as Livy writes, from the most noble patrician and plebeian families Mark Portsy Katon considerably was ahead of all candidates (39.40.3). In spite of the fact that his rivals were people with "fresher" military glory (since Katon's konsulat and his Spanish triumph there passed 10 years), he had clear advantage thanks to the participation in trials 187 and 184 BC. The most part of candidates (Luzy Cornelius Scipio, Publy Cornelius Scipio Nazika, Gney Manly Volson, Lutsy Fury Purpureon) also to a degree participated in those events. Besides, it is necessary to consider that four candidates, directly or indirectly, were connected with Scipio Afrikansky: it

the brother Lutsy, the cousin Publy Nazika, Gney Manly Volson belonging to his environment and Tibery Semprony Long, the colleague Publiya on a konsulata 194 BC. It allows to assume that censorship had to become 184 BC the final stage of fight against Scipio Afrikansky's group, as explains the fierce nature of an election campaign. In this regard data of antique authors that Katon's rivals entered into a collision look very plausible, having formed the union, some kind of pre-election coalition (coitio) sent against it (Liv.39.41.1).

In tradition two motives of education of such coalition are distinctly distinguished. Points Li Viy who writes that Katon's rivals were afraid of severity of his censorship which would touch the interests of many persons (39.41.2) to the first. Plutarch reports that Katon's elections as the censor were afraid those, "who was guilty in dirty acts and in derogation from fatherlike customs" (Cat. Mai.16). Sources clearly indicate political goals of creation of this pre-election union as current situation forced to unite the people who anyway were involved in trials of the 80th of the 2nd century BC. Consequences of election of Katon as the censor had to be realized well by the persons involved in these processes. At the same time Katon posed a threat and for the candidates who were not involved in case Stsipionov. In 187 he made the speech against Mark Fulviya Nobilior together with whom he, probably, served in Greece [6, page 57]. The remained fragment of the speech specifies that Katon together with Mark Emily Lepid and to plebeian stands Mark Abury tried to break Nobilior's (ORF 148) triumph. In 199 Katon was a legate of Tiberiya Semproniya Long against whom he already during the election campaign made the speech [6, page 8182]. The fact that Katon was well informed on various aspects of activity of both commanders also had to push them to association against it. Thus, as couple Katon - Flakk was obvious, practically all candidates had the reasons for association in the coalition on purpose not to allow Mark's victory of Portsy on elections.

The tradition, however, indicates also other reason of formation of the "antikatonovsky" pre-election union. As Livy notes, Katon's candidacy took the fierce battering from the nobility, the censor who was not wishing to see "the new person" (39.41.1-2). Plutarch also reports that almost all notable and influential senators (Cat.Mai.16) opposed Katon's election. Messages of antique authors, and in particular Libya, in this part are called by researchers into question. In literature it was suggested that Livy projected on the first quarter of the 2nd century BC characteristic of its historiography

time opposition of populyar and optimat [7, page 67]. However it is not necessary to reject data of tradition unconditionally. Katon participated in elections of censors twice, and both times there was a motive of its "novelty" ^^.37.57.15;39.41.4). That circumstance that Katon who was promptly walking upstairs positions began to experience difficulties only in attempt of a competition of censorship attracts attention. It obviously indicates that the political forces which provided its success on elections of 199 - 195 did not give it the same support in 189 and 184 BC. Probably, in the opinion of his notable patrons Katon reached "ceiling" of the office growth in 195, having become the consul. In this regard it is possible to assume that if objective conditions of the end of III - the beginning of the 2nd century BC promoted emergence of rather large number of "new" consuls, then censorship was still considered as exclusively aristocratic magistracy, including that part of the Roman nobilitet on which Katon leaned. Nevertheless Katon's success shows that by 184 BC it actually becomes the independent political force which was actively influencing succession of events in Rome.

In the situation which developed before elections Katon elected the most favorable to himself tactics of conducting propaganda. Having used the recent events connected with overthrow of one of the most influential, well-born and rich Roman politicians of Publija Cornelius Scipio Afrikansky, Katon consciously places emphasis on the role in trials. Li Viy writes: "Mark Portsy, without hiding the intentions, loudly accused the opponents that they are afraid of independent and strict censorship, and urged voters to give votes to him and Lutsy Valery Flakk, saying that only with such colleague it will be able successfully to eradicate present defects and to return ancient purity of customs to fight for purity of customs" (39.41.3-4). Plutarch reports that "Katon, without finding the slightest compliance, but, it is opened from an oratorical tribune convicting sunk in vice, shouted that to the City required great clarification, and insistently convinced Romans if they in senses to choose the doctor not of the most careful, but the most resolute, that is him, and from patricians - Valery Flakk. Only with its help he hoped to finish outright with delicacy and luxury, cutting these hydras the head and cauterizing wounds fire" (Cat.Mai.16). At external similarity of both messages it should be noted that at Libya charges to specific political opponents are the cornerstone of Katon's performances, and in this context, probably, it is necessary to understand his appeal to fight for purity of customs. Plutarch to the forefront has Katon's fight against defects in general and with luxury in particular in which all Roman community wallowed.

Though information Libya is more authentic, Plutarch's version is usually used for reconstruction of an election campaign of Katon [8, 9] S.L. Utchenko

specifies that all activity of Katon on a post of the censor "was directed to implementation of a certain political program - the program of fight against "mean innovations" (nova flagitia)" [10, page 76]. Recognizing in general justice of such assessment of activity of Katon, nevertheless it is necessary to say with confidence that on elections 184 BC he opposed from already ready fight developed by the program the negative new phenomena in life of the Roman community, having concentrated on it attention of voters. Katon's speech as the candidate for a position (oratio in toga candida) would be the unconditional proof of existence of such program. Livy, however, does not use Katon's oratio and hardly with it the was sign. According to D. Kienast, the speech can go only about a short performance at the statement for promotion on the censor's position about what Livy or his annalisti-chesky sources found the corresponding mentions in censorial speeches of Katon [7, page 148]. At the same time the nature of activity of Katon as the censor shows that in the main lines his "concept" already developed by 184 BC. Apparently, a "theoretical" part of the political program of Katon where the important place was allocated to fight against "new gnusnost", developed gradually, in the most finished look being present at late katonovsky "Carmen de moribus" ("The poem about customs") [10, page 77].

However the antique tradition does not arise from scratch. The political implication of the idea about decline of customs in Rome was hardly the only thing and could not be adequately apprehended by all population of the Roman community. Far more organically this idea looks in a religious cover. Only several years prior to a tsenzorstvo of Kato-na in Rome the legal investigation of Bacchanalias was made. The text of the senatkonsult found in Bruttiya 186 BC confirm messages of antique authors (CIL.I,681). In the context of prosecution of admirers of Bacchus the appeal to clarification of Rome which "wallowed" in filth looks quite naturally. Case of Bacchanalias showed the begun process of distribution in Italy of the religious ideas and representations of the East Mediterranean origin. Only several years later after Katon's censorship allegedly found books by Numa Pompiliya stating the Pythagorean doctrine were burned. F.F. Zelinsky paid attention that one of versions of the doctrine about "great year" was tied to 183 BC. According to Eratosthenes's calculations, Troy it was destroyed in 1183, therefore, the so-called "year of purpose" finishing a thousand-year cycle time (and respectively time of life of the next civilization), was 183 BC. Apollo was considered as the patron of the tenth century of a sacred cycle. It forces to pay attention to the East where in the 80th of the 2nd century BC there was the most serious enemy of Rome Antiochus Veliky, the great-grandson Selevka which was considered as Apollo's favourite. The sworn enemies of Rome who nearly became for it fatal - Hannibal and galatians, descendants of the Gauls who besieged the Capitol served Antiochus. Besides, on the party Anti-

an okha there were etoliyets who could apply for relationship with the achaeans who destroyed Troy. The interest shown by Katon's contemporaries to Apollo's cult is obvious. In 215 the Roman Embassy led by Faby Piktor for bringing of gifts was sent to Apollo and other gods (Lrv.23.1L2) to Delphi. In 207 after the victory over Gasd-rubal, gold wreaths and a silver statue were sent to Delphi. Interest, especially among the nobility and a thin layer, close to it, of the formed Roman intellectuals, to the Trojan cycle in general and to the legends about Aeneas in particular was not smaller. Not accidentally in tradition the story about visit by Scipio Sr. of Ilium - Troy remained. Katon was the first Roman historian who refused the tradition of dating of historical events borrowed from the Hellenistic historiography on the Olympic Games. At calculation of year of foundation of Rome it uses the end of the Trojan war (Byupu8.1.74.2) as a starting point. In addition it indicates that various ways of chronological calculations and calculations used by grekoyazychny historians were not alien to it. It is thought, it does not conflict to idea of survivability of national religion and the known conservatism of Romans, assimilation which the Greek culture dragged on until the end of the Late Republic. As E.M. Shtayer-man, with growth of the urban population which was more and more coming off by nature, agricultural cycles, the world of rural community notes, differences in religion of a city and rural plebs collected [11, page 133]. In the urban environment there was a process of assimilation others cultural more intensively (including religious) tradition, the splash in interest in which was stimulated with military and other shocks. You should not ignore also such factor as existence in Rome of considerable number of carriers, on an apt expression of A. Momilyano, "others wisdom" - slaves, prisoners of war, hostages, dealers, etc. All this forces to look narrowly at F.F. Zelinsky's idea about the religious background of elections 184 BC [12, page 244-245]. In the presence of similar moods among urban population Katon, certainly, could use skillfully them, having wised up caused rough public reaction of great clarification of the Roman community.

Having precisely chosen the most favorable to itself tactics of conducting pre-election fight, Katon at the same time forced the opponents to take the opposite position which was obviously not promising to them great success. As Plutarch notes, his rivals "fawned upon the people and seduced it & #34; добрыми" hopes for mildness and condescension of the power, believing that such promises are waited from them by the people" (Magician.16). At the same time certain calculations, probably, were made on experience of "indulgent" censorships during 199 - 189. However the rate to the political line connected first of all with Scipio Afrikansky was obviously losing, considering change of moods in the Roman society after trials of 187 - 184. As a result of Katon and his old colleague Lutsy

Valery gained a convincing victory on elections of censors.

As show further events, actions of censors quite corresponded to their election program. The obvious certificate of it is the announcement of the list of the senate (senatus lectio) made by them - the procedure which is closely connected with such censorial function as supervision of customs (cura morum) [13, with. 8]. Does not raise doubts that actions of censors on an exception of ranks of curia of senators who anyway soiled themselves had not only ideological, but also political goals. As L.P. Kucherenko notes, the special efficiency to execution of this function of censors was given by that circumstance that they imposed punishment (in the form of a special censorial remark) in a public form that, certainly, influenced opportunities of political career [14, page 32]. It is necessary to recognize that censors had exclusive opportunities for realization of the political goals. The levers of direct impact on the political opponents which were in their hands were especially effective. Formally they had the right to impose collecting for any actions contradicting mos maiorum [15, page 11]. At the same time the public nature of activity of censors led to the fact that their power in the field of imposing of collectings was not boundless as they had to commensurate the actions with opinion of fellow citizens constantly.

The reliability of pre-election "program" of opponents of Katon, as far as sources allow to judge it, confirms experience of the previous censorships. As it was already noted, Katon's opponents were connected with clan Stsipionov, and Luzy Cornelius Scipio was one of applicants of censorship 184 BC. Elections took place in a situation of recently ended trials on which main defendants were Publy and Luzy Cornelius Szipiony. Therefore Lution Scipio's appeal to experience of censorial activity of the brother was to some extent justification of both Publy, and the policy pursued by his group. The promise of soft and indulgent censorship was not what other as an appeal to change of the political policy put by Katon and his supporters in the 80th and return to that policy that Stsipionami was carried out. It is indicative that in 199 at censors Publija Cornelius Scipio and Publija Elia to Petia the senate was re-elected in general without remarks. In 194 at censors Gae Cornelius Zetegue and the Sixth to Elia Petia 3 nekurulny senators, and in 189 - 4 senators were removed from the structure of curia (Liv.32.7.3; 34.44.4; Plut.Flam.18). The style of carrying out censorship characteristic as for Scipio Afrikansky, and his allies, looks direct continuation of its fixation on minimization of control from the senate and civil collective in relation to the separate political groups which were getting emancipated nobilyam and formed around them.

However as P. Frakkaro notes, at first sight lectio senatus of Katon does not look so severe,

as antique sources report about it. In total 7 people, and this number, even not in view of mass exceptions of 32 and 64 senators in 115 and 70 BC were excluded, are not such big and for other censorships which did not use glory of severe. When comparing with censorships of action of Katon and Valery, rather close on time, do not look something unusual: 3 - 4 senators were regularly excluded during lectiones of censorships 199, 194, 189 and 179 BC. During censorship 252 BC were excluded 16 senators, in 209 and 204 BC (about cleanings of the senate during the period between 252 and 209 BC we have no data) - 8 and 7 senators, in 174 - 9 and in 169 7 more senators. At the same time, according to P. Frakkaro, total number excluded was not defining as removal from the structure of curia of several, even ten senators, could not change the image of the senate including several hundreds of people. The exception of senators could make an impression only if it affected the famous persons standing at the beginning of the senatorial list. Apparently, in it the exclusive severity of lectio senatus of Katon as at least two names eliminated which we know belonged to senators-konsulyaram [1, page 483) also consisted. Besides, having started formation of the list of senators, Katon as Plutarch reports, the printsep-catfish of the senate entered the colleague Lution Valery Flakk instead of Publija Cornelius Scipio Afrikansky who left Rome that struck one more blow to prestige Stsipionov (Plut.Cat Mai.17).

The censorship which is carried out by Mark Portsy Katon together with Lutsy Valery Flakk became the most significant stage of its state activity. Censorship 184 BC, as well as the stsipionovsky processes preceding it, undoubtedly, is one of key events of the first half of the 2nd century BC. She allows to estimate more adequately previous period of Highway of century BC and the related processes of formation of the Roman civil community (civitas). The era of Punic wars covered from researchers, "shaded" the social conflicts and collisions accompanying this process. Only the final victory over Hannibal allowed to come to a surface to the bitter socio-political struggle taking place in the Roman community. Trials against prominent representatives of the Roman nobility and also censorship became 184 BC its highest manifestation. Attracts attention that "quality" of this fight changes - rivalry for the power and prestige of patrician and plebeian surnames is replaced by opposition of the heterogeneous political groups on the structure which are actually representing wide groups of civil collective, to the separate "cliques", the patri-tsiansko-plebeian structure which now is also mixed (is enough to remember the impressive number of "new people" in Scipio Afrikansky's environment) which developed around any given nobily. In historical prospect the communication of events of the beginning of the 2nd century BC with a grakhansky kri-is obvious

zisy and the formation of several large political groups - "parties" reflecting the interests of the main social groups of the Roman community which followed it. The period which is habitually perceived as time of crisis of the Roman republic, nevertheless more corresponds to style of existence, the nature of the relations and shape of a sheet organism which typological similarity was civitas, than the previous era of "blossoming" of the republic having quite archaic shape. As it is represented, censorship put 184 BC end under quite long period of folding of civil foundations of the Roman community. Awakening of bulk of citizens - the small land owners who began slow familiarizing with real political activity was a natural consequence of formation of civi-tas. Events of the 30th of the 2nd century BC

became the first manifestation of their political "maturity", probably, also


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but - the political history of foreign countries. Syk-

Vologda state technical university On May 23, 2007

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