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Practice of involvement of the Adyghe intellectuals on the party of the Soviet power in the 20th of the 20th century: difficulties and contradictions

UDK 321:316.343.652 (470.621) E-60

Emtyl Zarema Yanvarbiyevna

candidate of historical sciences,

associate professor of history and social communications of the Kuban state technological university

Practice of involvement of the Adyghe intellectuals on the party of the Soviet power in the 20th of the 20th century: difficulties and contradictions


In article practice of involvement of the Adyghe intellectuals to socialist construction in the 20th of the 20th century is considered. Its features, difficulties, contradictions and dynamics of development under the influence of the changing social and political and sociocultural situation both in Soviet the state in general, and in the Adyghe national autonomies are detected.


Establishment of the Soviet power in the North Caucasus did for the new authorities relevant a problem of organic inscribing of national areas in the Soviet political space that caused need of broad attraction of not numerous shots of the old national intellectuals to work for all government institutions. It had to symbolize proximity of the Soviet power to the interests of the people of radical nationalities, and that is not less important, to provide successful communication with the foreign culture national environment.

Realizing the installations approved at VIII and X congresses of RCP(b), the Plenum of Southeast regional committee of RCP(b) in the resolution noted that the present situation puts forward before the local organizations a serious question of the best use in public work of "intellectual forces, valuable to us" [1, l. 25]. Local Soviet and party bodies were recommended to surround the national intellectuals "with the atmosphere of friendly trust and once and for all to eliminate the tone of neglect and not goodwill which was quite often found earlier concerning the local intellectuals" ^, l. 25].

A considerable part of the Adyghe intellectuals became on the way of cooperation with the new power. This choice, as a rule, was caused not by the fact that the intellectuals divided the socio-political doctrine of Bolsheviks. Moreover, many of the representatives of the Adyghe intellectuals who gave support of the new power were very far from the class doctrine which they had to realize. Their active involvement in socialist construction was promoted by set of various motives.

The ethnic question became the central question of public life of the Adyghe intellectuals since the beginning of revolutionary events in Russia. Broad promotion by Bolsheviks among mountaineers of provisions "Declarations of the Rights of the People of Russia", "Addresses of SNK to the Working Muslims of Russia and the East" yielded the positive results. Many representatives of the Adyghe intellectuals considered that their realization will create conditions not only for elimination of national oppression and maintaining national, cultural identity of the Adyghe people, but also its self-determination. In this sense the direct participation in the organization of work of new authorities, cultural and educational institutions, according to the intellectuals, created an opportunity to influence social and political and sociocultural transformations. Not the last role was played by the weighed assessment of the situation and aspiration to adapt socially to new social and political conditions.

Often behind active cooperation of the national intellectuals with the new power there was its aspiration to occupation of responsible positions and, thus, to increase in the social status. This aspiration of the non-russian intellectuals which came to revolution was noted by M. Sultan-Galiyev. In the simplified uniform of the logician of the choice of the non-russian intellectuals in general it was presented to them as follows: "To be in power, it is possible to be ready to do anything, up to that in this power at all not to have the power" [2, page 439].

It is important to note that the Adyghe national intellectuals by the time of establishment of the Soviet power in the North Caucasus were presented by two conditional groups - secular and Muslim spiritual. The last was the most numerous, influential and, with toch-


ki sight of the Soviet historical science, conservative group of the intellectuals. The policy of the new power in its relation was characterized by big discretion, differed in care and a basic image from policy for orthodox clergy and the orthodox church in general which grew together with the government in the Russian Empire.

Proceeding from features of development of the national outskirts, strong influence of religion and Muslim clergy on masses, the Soviet power had to look for new, softer forms of antireligious promotion. Direct installation to it contained in the resolution of the XII congress of RCP(b) "About setting of antireligious propaganda and promotion" in which it was specified: "In view of that the 30-milliony Muslim population of the Union of the Republics still almost in inviolability kept the numerous medieval prejudices connected with religion... it is necessary to develop forms and methods of elimination of these prejudices, considering features of various nationalities" [3, page 174].

Though the Muslim clergy and religious communities were under vigilant control of bodies of GPU, the authorities recommended to the last to carry out extremely carefully the activity not to cause mass discontent of the population [4, l. 3]. Forced to look for acting through the Muslim intellectuals of the ally of Bolsheviks also the specific attitude towards her of the Adyghe people. Owing to historical circumstances the clergy in the North Caucasus was perceived not only as religious and moral, intellectual elite, but also as a stronghold of maintaining national and cultural originality and integrity. To turn off from itself the mountain Muslim intellectuals meant to the Soviet power to turn off from itself a people at large. This fact rather eloquently is confirmed by the words of the chairman of the Adygei regional executive committee to Sh.U. Hakurata: "In 1921-1922 we could not influence elections in the Circassian auls and were guided only by mullahs and old men, and only through them built the Soviet power in Adygea [5, page 67]. For this reason at the beginning the Adygei regional executive committee, without having the authority on places, "decided to work by means of progressive efendiyev in strengthening of administrative facilities of the power" [6, l. 2.3].

As a result the Adygei regional executive committee performed as the initiator of a meeting with progressive efend. At a joint meeting the agreement on convocation of a regional congress of Muslim clergy and believers was reached. The congress took place in the aul of Hatukai at the end of September, 1922. It supported the line on strengthening of the Soviet local authorities and eradication of propaganda against it [6, l. 2]. In total from September, 1922 till December, 1925 four congresses of Muslim clergy were held.

Granting the right of teaching Islam at home and in mosques became manifestation of loyalty of the Soviet power to the Muslim intellectuals. Influence of Muslim clergy and in the legal sphere remained. In the Adyghe autonomies as an exception sharia and adatsky courts continued to function though their legal status was not defined.

A certain role in loyalty of the authorities to local clergy in the first years of existence of national autonomies was played also by the fact that among the literate of the Adyghe society there was an absolute prevalence of Muslim clergy. To realize the personnel policy of Bolsheviks in the North Caucasus which consisted in indigenization of management and education without participation of Muslim clergy it was not represented possible. In particular at the first meeting of communistic and Komsomol cells of the Kabardino-Balkar autonomous region in June, 1922 the speakers said that 80% komyacheek incorporate mullahs [7, l. 2-3].

Talking politics of the Soviet power for the Adyghe clergy, it should be noted that since the beginning of the 20th century it was presented by "two groups which are variously understanding and interpreting the doctrine Quran" - old conservative clergy and new progressive. The new power relied on progressive Muslim clergy which was given support in its fight against old clergy. However the Soviet power used cooperation with progressionists, eventually, for elimination from the public arena of mountaineers of both groups. The famous worker of an agitprom of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) I. Hansuvarov so, in particular, formulated line of conduct of the Soviet power concerning Muslim clergy: "If you want to defeat enemies, it is necessary to force it to fight among themselves. It is necessary to beat both, and at the same time to force them to fight among themselves. It is necessary to conduct progressive clergy against reactionary, to cause between them a fight. It is absolutely necessary" [8, l. 33].

Thus, Bolsheviks did not do a basic difference between old and new clergy. Seeking to destroy the Adyghe clergy, the power only leaned at the beginning on its progressive part to strengthen split in his environment.

The turn in the attitude towards Muslim clergy was connected with a number of factors of internal political character. In the second half of the 20th there is a gradual strengthening of the Soviet authorities in the Adyghe national autonomies. Strengthening of the mode of a personal authority of I.V. Stalin led to the forced construction of socialism and as sledst-


the Viy to basic changes in confessional policy. Turning of the new economic policy and a course on mass collectivization did not allow residents of auls to support Islamic structures financially.

As a result from the tolerant attitude towards progressive Muslim clergy the Soviet authorities begin approach to religious figures on all front. More and more loudly appeals "begin to sound to reject neutral tactics in religion questions in the east" [9, page 69]. In June, 1927 the Plenum of the national commission of the North Caucasian regional committee of party considered the question "About Measures of Fight against Influence of Muslim Clergy on Workers of Mass of Mountain Nationalities". In the resolution of a plenum it was said that mass antireligious work has to be based with use "the facts of active fight of clergy in the past against workers on the party of the tsar and landowners, the facts of protection of a kulachestvo by the mosque of interests now, the facts of daily operation and enslaving by clergy of masses" [10, page 160]. In the late twenties are openly developed persecutions on Muslim clergy. Mosques, madrasah, schools of Arabic are closed, mass arrests of mullahs and efendiyev are executed.

Change of a social and political and social and economic situation in the Soviet state was reflected not only in position of Muslim clergy, but also in the national intellectuals in general. In the conditions of resolute fight against capitalist elements of the forced construction of socialism the Soviet power sought to establish total control of all spheres of public life. The intellectuals more than ever had to render "the active help in actions of party and the Soviet power" [11, page 36]. If before the power approached the old intellectuals with two main the requirement-yami - that she honestly conducted the work and was loyal to the Soviet power - that after the XV congress such installation was already insufficient [11, page 36]. Checks of GPU of the middle of the 20th showed the picture of class composition of employees which is not equitable to the interests of socialist construction at all. In particular in the Karachay-Cherkess autonomous region from 99 Soviet employees and deputies of regional level 44 came from socially alien population groups, in the Kabardino-Balkar autonomous region from 46 members of district and rural executive committees 22 in the past were representatives of privileged estates [6, l. 4].

The general party installation directed to replacement of the old intellectuals from all spheres of public life with enthusiasm began to be executed in the North Caucasus. In November, 1928 the presidium of the North Caucasian regional control commission of the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) adopted the resolution on the organization of check of employees of the Soviet institutions and release from work in authorities klassovo alien elements [12, page 142].

It should be noted that the policy of replacement of the old national intellectuals was caused not only need to clean the device from klassovo alien elements, but also the aspiration of the new power to internationalize all spheres of public and spiritual life of the Soviet people. The policy of Bolsheviks in the field of culture in general was characterized by the expressed aspiration to a unifikatorstvo. X the congress of RCP(b) among the main objectives of the Communist Party said: ".pomoch to the labor mass of the non great Russian people to catch up with the central Russia which left forward" [13, page 366]. It should be noted that else before arrival of Bolsheviks to the power I.V. Stalin formulated the attitude towards the prospects of development of "primitive" culture of the small people of the Caucasus. The overdue nations in the development and the people inevitably "had to be involved in the general course of the highest culture" [14, page 351] (the last was understood as the culture of the central Russia).


I.V. Stalin whose position defined public policy in this question, connected development of national cultures with two main categories - form and content. Content of national cultures was filled with proletarian, international, socialist contents. National was only a form [15, page 98]. From there was also a slogan of the cultural revolution: "Creation of national culture national in the form socialist according to contents". National writing, the press, training and office-work in the native language which the power initially considered as channels of mass communication for promotion of the ideology acted as a form of national culture. All other substantial elements of national culture were perceived as patriarchal and feudal remnants concerning which resolute and uncompromising struggle under the direction of Bolshevik Party had to be conducted [13, page 367].

Representatives of the national intellectuals involved in work of the Soviet and party bodies made attempts to resist to the unifikatorsky policy of the central authorities. They tried to convince the power of need of implementation of socialist transformations proceeding from accounting of national specifics of the people. In reply the authorities reproached "native communists" that those "exaggerate value National -


ny features in party and Soviet work, leaving the class interests of workers in a shadow, or just mix the interests of workers of the given nation with the so-called national interests of the same nation" [13, page 369]. This circumstance, according to the authorities, conducted to a bias from communism towards the bourgeois-democratic nationalism taking sometimes the Pan-Islamism form [13, page 369].

As a result the national intellectuals were accused of substitution of the class principle national [13, page 369]. To the national intellectuals reproaches that it got off "with klassovo a right way" became typical, could not resist to a burzhuaznonatsionalistichesky eructation in her [16].

Since the end of the 20th in the North Caucasus the party installation about need of fight against a nationalist bias, harmful to business of communism, actively begins to be implemented. The vast majority of representatives of the old intellectuals were subjected to repressions as "henchmen" of bourgeois nationalists and national deviators. Among the representatives of the old intellectuals subjected to repression there were active supporters of the Soviet power who were taking part in its registration in the North Caucasus. Thus, the Soviet power liquidated a possibility of generation of alternative official ideology and to party installations of the ideas and views of transformation of the Adyghe society.

The analysis of practice of involvement of the intellectuals on the party of the Soviet power allows to say that it was implemented in rather difficult conditions for the new power connected both with mental features of the Adyghe intellectuals, and with distinctions of the purposes of cooperation. If the Soviet power sought to use the national intellectuals as the direct conductor of new values and the ideas in the mountain environment, then the Adyghe intellectuals, besides the natural aspiration to adapt socially to new social and political living conditions, wished to use the union with the power for arrangement of the national life.

Involvement of the old intellectuals to implementation of socialist transformations for the Soviet power was complicated also by prevalence in its structure of Muslim clergy, being owing to historical circumstances the most influential part of the national intellectuals. It put the new power in the first years of existence before need of search of compromises and concessions in the spiritual intellectuals.

In the late twenties, realizing the general party installation in the relation of the intellectuals, the authorities pass from tactics of the tolerant attitude towards the old national intellectuals to its almost violent replacement from all spheres of public life. It led to considerable decrease in level of the intellectual environment, loss of spiritual traditions and violation of continuity between "old" and "new" generation of the national intellectuals.


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Oswalda Frieda
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