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Some problems of ethnography and historical demography of the peasantry of the North Caucasus



ISTORIYA of the PEOPLE of DON AND NORTH CAUCASUS

About 2003 of S.A. Hubulov

SOME PROBLEMS of ETHNOGRAPHY AND HISTORICAL DEMOGRAPHY of the PEASANTRY of the NORTH CAUCASUS

The phenomenon of the peasantry cannot be explained, without having ideas of its psychology, without knowing traditions of the family and marriage relations. The scientific lacunas which arose in studying history of the peasantry of the North Caucasus the beginning of the 20th century can be filled through a prism of a historical and demographic research. According to Yu.A. Polyakov, "first of all, are necessary him (the historical and demographic direction. - S.H.) activization and expansion of scales of the general activity. And, above all, going beyond a habitual framework is possible and desirable. There is no need to explain that problems of birth rate, mortality is doomed to being on the first place..." [1]. Along with studying the economic, political and social events, the close attention has to be paid to the demographic processes proceeding differently as during various periods of history of our state and is inadequate at the people on-lietnichnoy the countries. History of the population of the North Caucasus as reflects those crisis and forward phenomena which appeared so richly in the beginning of the last century in a mirror.

In this big problem first of all the psychological model of demographic behavior of the peasantry of the North Caucasus is of interest.

Long cohabitation of the people, approximately identical habitat created if not identical, then very similar models of traditional cultures. However along with the general signs also specific features which are inherent in the specific people are so obvious. It fully belongs as to radical ethnic groups of Northern Kavka-

for, and to the Russian population, the Cossacks.

Not the last role in demographic processes is played by family structure of society. The family and marriage relations are considered by kavkazovedchesky science from an ethnography position. The historiography of a problem is very extensive, lighting was received by many questions [2-5]. However historical and psychological aspects of a demographic condition of society remained in the shadow. This lack has to be met by synthesis of knowledge ethnographic, historical and a psychologo - demographic.

Long decades life in rural areas proceeded is closed, separately. Peasants seldom got out of the aul because of difficult geographical conditions.

Standards of country behavior developed centuries, and the population lived by the principle approved by ancestors: "Such there is an adat, so God

enjoined". And the special sense as, according to modern ethnologists, "despite any innovations, to mankind to replicate and self-regulate, it is necessary to keep communications between generations" [6] consisted in it.

Growth of large-scale industry liquidates economic bases of the traditional family relations, and the subsistence economy of family dominating in economy of society оказывается&необратимо destroyed in a vice of a capitalist way of production. The begun mass division of labor and nationalization of production do unnecessary existence of "blood artels" that immediately leads to change of structure and number of family. There are small families instead of big. Among the traditional relations in "blood artels" there is a mutual aid. "In Ossetia, Kabarda, Chechnya still nobody saw the beggar, - A.A. Ardase-nov noted — any surname will not turn away from the member yet and will not throw, will not let to beg a God's name on the yards. It is considered still shame, a great shame for a sort, and, of course, characterizes the fortress of the related and family relations" [7].

Significant changes of psychology of peasants happened during a capitalism era. The increased mobility of the population, long stay out of the native places promoted entering of new lines into traditional society. Some, apparently, the settled customs (big family, the status of the female-goryanki) were also exposed to transformation. Need to look for earnings forces the mass of peasants to break from native places and to go to different regions, including abroad. Long accommodation out of the village, communication with representatives of working class, transition of the farmer to other for themselves the status promoted stratification of the peasantry, entering of new lines into traditional country psychology.

The demographic behavior is closely connected with such constants as marriage, family, children, death. It is reflected in common law, ethical standards [8]. Traditional views of peasants are obliged by the viability to socio-economic factors: existence of country economy is impossible without family. Accurately certain standards of behavior did not give the chance of any choice, they were recognized as firm and forever certain. Any deviation from them put the disobedient person in position of the derelict.

Accommodation in a close framework of rural community, a great influence of traditions, pressure family svya-

zy held down private life of each certain member of society, did it transparent for people around. The rural community (as a rule, a surname) strictly monitored observance of adats. What content of standards of demographic behavior of the peasant of the 19th century and in what measure they found the embodiment in real behavior of the main part of the population of the region?

From time immemorial the family and marriage were considered as the main virtue of traditional society. The conclusion and existence of marriage, its cancellation depend and are caused by social and natural factors. Their role during the separate periods of history was not identical. Marriage arose at a certain stage of development of society from economic needs and as the institute which is carrying out reproduction of the population, social and sexual control as result of the increasing submission of natural relations between the sexes to conditions of social and economic development [9]. Thus, the dialectics of marriage and family is subordinated to dialectics of all social development. All that includes a concept of marriage and a divorce, generally, reflects how social environment is according to needs of nature in the field.

Analyzing customs of inheritance of peasants of the middle of the 19th century, the contemporary wrote: "On each step, each event: the choice of the bride, time for a wedding, the birth of children, it (the peasant.-. S.H.) is forced to look mainly from the economic point of view". The family, on his concepts, at least legal, is not only "the personal union of relationship, but also the labor economic union connected by community of means, requirements and obligations; it if. it is possible to be expressed - blood artel" [4, page 43]. Creation of family - a decency condition, marriage - a moral imperative of each member of community, a surname. Mountaineers assumed that it is possible not to marry only in the presence of serious physical deviations.

In severe living conditions when only collective efforts brought success, the marriage was extremely necessary. "Lonely it is always damned", - the Ossetian popular wisdom said. Attached to creation of family great value also because "in such way the circle of relatives considerably extended, so; and people, on - the help and which support could be counted" [5, page 37]. Marriage was considered necessary for anything decent & lt; the person, because it is desirable for everyone to have posterity both for extension some kind of, and for its increase, strengthening. Over single Ingushs "laugh, calling him "the fat widower", i.e. carefree, about anything not worrying" [10].

Before marriage the country guy was perceived as the greenhorn, even old bachelors were called contemptuously "malchiko-male", emphasizing their social inferiority: "The unmarried man is similar, to a scanty bull". Only after marriage the young man became the solid member of community.

Without exaggeration it is possible to tell that economic and moral need forced peasants to marry as soon as possible. The country economy could develop in a balanced way only at the correct gender and age division of labor. For the mountaineer was considered as a shame to do women's work, also as well as to the woman to carry out excessive men's. Field work (plowed land, sowing and generally cleaning) were the man's prerogative, care for house living creatures, providing life of family were assigned to the woman's shoulders.

Marriage at the people of the North Caucasus was purchased [3, page 48]. The groom had to pay repayment bridewealth for the bride. The amount of a bridewealth depending on a social status fluctuated from 400 rubles at Balkars up to 600 rubles at Ossetians [3, page 50]. At the beginning of the 20th century the sum of a bridewealth reached even 1000 rubles. Therefore the father, despite of a shy protest of the girl, sold her: "The father took hundred five heads: hundred rams, five donkeys moreover will take the sixth - the son-in-law" [11].

Such money was available not to each groom, this circumstance forced it to go to work, sometimes abroad, and the wedding was delayed for long time. The Zasvatanny bride po1 sat some years in the house of the father, expecting payment of a bridewealth. Therefore marriage was complicated also by gt; barriers, the bridewealth "completely undermines them (peasants. - S.H.) welfare and razvrashchayushche affects youth, forcing at a lack of means to go for crimes" [12]. Kidnapping (umykaniye) of brides was one of such crimes. However similar practice was fraught: stealing was perceived as the insult involving blood feud. Adats specially stipulated such fact: "At refusal of parents of the woman to marry her to the thief, she comes back to the house of parents; and guilty of stealing it is expelled from the settlement in the form of the deadly enemy, for a certain term" [13]. By the way, the similar facts were included in statistics. In the report of the chief of the Tersky region existed специальный& the section "Morality" where crimes "against honor and chastity of women" were especially fixed. Only in 1900 in the area in courts of all levels it was considered 96, such crimes [14].

The groom's parents (as got additional working hands) and the bride's parents were interested in early marriage (as were afraid that the girl will sit up in brides and will be condemned by society). On adats the minimum age of consent in the middle of the 19th century for men was 15-16 years, for girls - 12 - 14 years. The age of marriage shows how natural need for this area is in harmony with social conditions or is distorted by them. Fluctuations of sizes of this indicator demonstrate change not only economic living conditions, but also traditions. The age of consent was one of factors on which reproduction of the population substantially depended. In the past there was a communication between percent of young brides and level of birth rate [15], nebla-

gopriyatny conditions are wars, high mortality — increased age of consent of brides.

But big costs at a marriage of the son limited early marriages among men. Analysis of posemeyny. lists for 1886 and-1906 reveals a number of characteristic features of a brachnost of the population of the North Caucasus. First of all they reflect a specific picture of significant differences in a brachnost on a floor. Especially brightly these differences in younger marriageable age act, reflecting prevalence of marriages, unequal on age. Quite often husband 15 - 25 wives more senior and more years.

Practically all women aged from 18 up to 40 years were married, despite considerable number of vdovy. As for men, they have a share married was the greatest in age after 40 years. "among men the bridewealth which is already doing terrible harm to welfare of mountaineers is the reason of late marriages, it is necessary to save gradually, bringing for this purpose various deprivations and to wait up to 35 - 40 years" [16].

The gloomy destiny expected the unmarried woman who on fatal circumstances appeared lonely. There is a characteristic household sketch: "Once several people of rural judges sat on the road and investigated some business. In the distance the woman seemed. Judges took her for the wife of one very poor man, but nevertheless were going to get up to treat with due respect. But one of judges recognized her and told: "E and it is the old maid!" Nobody moved" [17]. What pushed the bride and her parents on early marriage? With one, the parties, family it was interested in preservation of working hands, but with another - won against noneconomic reasons. The bride was afraid that one should live ("the girl that a flower: if you do not break it in time, petals will turn yellow"). Parents of the young bride could count on a good bridewealth. But in addition, early marriages were from olden days accepted, they were an element of common family law.

At established practices and also when at marriage the strict sequence had to be observed (the younger brother or the sister could not suit the destiny before seniors) therefore there were enough sat-up brides. Not to be exposed to derision from fellows villager, the woman preferred even the most unprofitable party. Concerning the place in family the bride had no illusions: "If and on the wife not to raise at a horse — there was among men a saying, - that they will get spoiled".

The woman in the opinion of society had no independent value: "The woman without husband is not held in high esteem". As marriage was considered as obligatory and only the man could act in society as the sovereign representative of the family, adats said: "If the woman could solve cases, she also would not marry". Though there is other point of view: the Kabardian researcher B.H. Bgazhnokov gave many arguments in favor of the fact that women were an honoring subject and consequently, and in favor of some kind of "cult of the woman" [18].

The procedure of marriage, marriage life, the birth of children, communication with relatives and acquaintances, laws of succession, well, all variety of the relations of family with people and society and also in family was displayed in religious norms which respect was obligatory for all believers. Islam, for example, considered marriage, the birth of children and their education as the benefit. According to Sharia (in which all main norms concerning family and regulating pedantically demographic behavior of people were written down), marriage is "great act". But at the same time purity of religion had to be observed and be maintained strictly. Therefore Sharia forbade marriage of the Muslim and an inoverka, but he is even more strict treated that the Muslim female married not devout (by the way, this requirement takes place in some areas of the North Caucasus to this day). Messages of type were often published in the press of the 20th of the 20th century: "The female Ingush who fell in love the Russian guy was cruelly beaten by relatives and married to 70-year-old" [19].

Thus, in traditional society the leading position was held by men. They resolved all issues concerning position of family in community, a surname. The husband could dispose of the wife's dowry, but always remembered that behind the woman there is a surname before which it is necessary to be responsible for the behavior. The husband was obliged to treat correctly the wife, not to offend her, to care for her [4, page 52].

The head of the family resolved individually issues of the conclusion of marriages of the children. "Against his word the word of the wife - the empty phrase which does not have exactly any value. Business of the wife "to work, nurse" and is a little. And if it happens that the husband asks the wife, then not to change the decision, and so, for a form that also to please it though a little" [20]. The girl was married quite often against her will, but openly she dared to make a protest. Researchers of family life are unanimous in it: "Randomly deciding destiny of the son, the father... also freely disposed" and a hand of the daughter. & gt; Well well-mannered girl not in the right was to state the preference to any given groom: she has to respond to all inquiries of mother persistent, silence..." [21]. Was considered as bad form to speak without intermediaries about the desires: "On the girl's lips a hook with a loop" - the mandatory requirement to the well-educated bride.

Position of girls in ottsovskikh1 families was better, than at snokh: they had to be able to execute all women's works, but never loaded them as the value of the girl was in its freshness and health [5, page 135]. Up to 15 years of a goryanka had relative independence, but then there came the new period, "with this. a time begins constraint constants in her life petty, often senseless. the prejudices dulling her moral independence... The marriage completes various changes in life Ingush zhenshchi-

ny... The husband who almost bought the wife. considers himself, owing to the Quran, her lord and in general his despotism does not restrain nothing. Indulgence to the wife and to that the similar gentle relations are considered, in the opinion of (mountaineer), as reprehensible and ridiculous weakness" [22].

A dependency of the woman in society, purchased marriage created a possibility of the repeated marriage unions (it concerned first of all men): "At mountaineers as in general at Mohammedans, the polygamy is allowed. And mountaineers have this right very often: many of them have on two, and happens - and on three wives. The respectable figure of children reaching very often 17 souls of some live" [23] is result of similar matrimonies. We cannot judge extent of distribution of polygamy, however it is known that the polygamy took place not only among feudal lords, but also among ordinary peasants. By the way, in posemeyny lists of 1886 about such marriages there were data, in later practically do not meet any more.

The termination of marriage because of the death of one of spouses was frequent. Widowhood, on representations of peasants, - God's punishment, huge misfortune: "The woman without husband - the subject is weaved". Second marriage was not condemned: "The death of the wife - change of a bed". The need forced to enter repeated marriage, and very considerable part of vdovy married too widowed. But of course, not all managed to marry or marry again, and with age chances were sharply reduced. The marriages concluded between relatives, but not blood relatives - levirat and sororat were feature of the mountain peasantry. In the first case for a cause of death of the elder brother one of brothers had to marry his widow even if it already had a wife. This fact was entirely connected with economic circumstances: it would not become should pay a widow's share, besides, nephews additional workers in economy.

The Vdovy man could take the unmarried sister of the late wife in the wife to provide to the children care and not to pay a big bridewealth.

Stains were practically not. A severe look on incorrectness of spouses. their conviction is that conjugal ties are indissoluble, assumed durability of country families. The divorce was considered by religion and public opinion as the gravest sin because spouses are faithful each other "on a coffin". Only in absolutely exceptional cases (leaving of one of spouses family, the sadistic attitude towards members of household, etc.) the peasants decided on a divorce, and the church authorized it. The divorce usually had unilateral character, i.e. completely depended on the man: "Sharia granted it the right to release the wife without explanation, having only said three times "I release" in the presence of the mullah" [3, page 35].

The spouse was kept from a divorce by possible damage as he was obliged to give to the wife the part of real estate caused at the conclusion

marriage. At the judge's divorce with all scrupulousness listened to charges and rendered a verdict.

Severely arrived in case of marital infidelity in relation to the woman. If, for example, newly married it was vicious, then it with all shame was sent to the house of the father, and the last had the right to arrive at discretion, up to murder. In the novel by V.Ya. Ikskul "Saint Ilya of Mount Tbau" history of the girl who made such offense is described, it was expected by severe punishment: "Pushed (a name of the bride. - S.H.), we are elders of a sort which, to our shame, you entered, found you guilty of adultery and settled to send you to your father, having made over you the punishment prescribed by our adats in similar cases...". The father Kerima (father-in-law) is enough it a long braid and cuts off at the nape... The heated rod cauterize her breast" [24]. The woman dishonored for the rest of life comes back to the house of the father. &

If the husband suspected the wife of incorrectness, then "caught in adultery is permitted to kill immediately, precisely both responsible... The husband who killed the lover and spared the wife - is exposed a krovomshche-niya from relatives to them the killed. If the husband kills the wife, and the lover for some reason will manage to avoid death, then the last becomes the deadly enemy to relatives killed" [25]. Thus, adats accurately watched purity of thoughts and family life.

The fundamental family obligation of the woman consisted in reproduction of new generation. The pre-revolutionary village did not know conscious regulation of births. Though some authors claim that at the end of the 18th century "the mountaineer already had to resort to regulation of growth of the population, it had to lower artificially birth rate or strengthen already strong mortality somehow to keep balance between the number of the population and capacity of the territory... For decrease in birth rate the etching of a fruit and in general different ways of deprivation of reproductive ability" practices, for example, [26]. In any case neither official statistics, nor data of contemporaries note prevalence of the similar facts. Peasants did not own methods of contraception and did not perform abortions. The religion and public opinion were opponents of restriction of births, and evasion from a direct duty of the woman was considered as the gravest sin - "even the snake is afraid of the childless husband and the wife". In traditional Caucasian society, religious doctrines were strong, both marriages, and the births were made out through church instances. The religion made daily impact on consciousness and life of people, especially in Muslim areas. Early marriage of women was an important factor of high birth rate. Probability of the illegitimate birth was almost equal to zero. The bastard children who were born at the widow or the maiden and are not legalized through the subsequent marriage were considered as illegitimate. The woman who gave birth to the child out of marriage was threatened by a shame and public contempt.

The high birth rate, of course, was given to the peasant hardly. About 20 years (from marriage and before the termination of fertile age) it continuously made children, being "the maternity car". Practically there were no eases during pregnancy, the peasant had no opportunity on a prenatal and postnatal holiday. Enormous physiological loading on the birth and feeding of children and at the same time enormous physical tension connected with performance of house and agricultural works order that the woman was exhausted ahead of time. The possession of many children was consecrated with religion and encouraged with society: "One child all the same that there are no children, and two children as though one" - it is told in a proverb. Names of children — an indicator of quantity them in family: Avdan ("Seventh"), Da dignity ("Us ten"). Preference was given to the birth of boys: "There will be no son — there will be no shelter also", "The daughter will be born - someone else's manure" (i.e. benefit to the stranger. - S.H.). There were cases of murder of babies girls [27]. The birth of sons was followed by special solemnity: "Treats do not have the end, immediately on receipt about it news all start congratulating the father and all relatives" [28]. The grown-up children were big help for parents especially as in 5 - 6 years they became assistants in economy, parents counted on the help and in an old age. The most gentle father, the most careful mother with inexpressible carelessness "provided the child on will of destiny, the child will not manage to be exempted from diapers as it is already charged to the sister of 4 - 5 years" [29]. In custom of mountaineers there was a severity in relation to members of household, especially children: "Only in the most intimate circle or confidentially permissibly to the father to give vent to the feelings and to nurse, caress children" [30]. The popular wisdom taught: "Raise the children as the enemy (i.e. do not indulge them. - S.H.), and then you will be happy with them".

Child mortality was extremely high, parents treated it coolly: Easy come, easy go». Tell about some indifference at least names of numerous children. For example, Nalkhjuydta ("It is not necessary"), Dydza ("Secondary"). In some cases mothers of large families exhausted with excessive loading thanked god for the fact that he "tidied up" their child.

To save the child from heavy illnesses, to frighten off diseases, children were given dissonant names: Saukudz (Black dog), Kudzag (Dog).

At characteristic of social and national psychology of the population of Terek we cannot ignore the Cossacks. In spite of the fact that on the tersky Cossacks there are many publications, a number of problems (ethnopsychology, sotsionormativny culture, historical demography, etc.) by scientific research it was practically not affected. Long-term service "distracted Cossacks from economic life, accustomed them to use of an easy mark and to those defects which are born for itself by constant disturbing, abusive life..., to insufficient

to development of family life..." [31] that was reflected in a demographic situation and economic position of family strongly suffered from long absences of men.

The military way of life created a peculiar warehouse of character, mentality. Cossacks lived independently from all other Russian population and had absolutely excellent social organization, put themselves above other mass of the population, the class corporationism promoted cultivation of spirit of exclusiveness and isolation. And it was reflected not only in the components connected with military service but also in family life, psychology, consciousness. On stanitsa canons, the Cossack has to be the best in everything: in family life, service, in work. Therefore society constantly and actively reacted to a deviation from the standard, whether it be alcoholism, adultery, theft, etc. Various punishments were applied to violators: expulsion, public flogging, self-courts [32].

In the system of values of the Cossacks one of important places was occupied by morality. The family and society strictly punished premarital and illegitimate communications, derision took extremely cruel forms. The girls who gave rise before marriage were called "pokrytka", and illegitimate children - "baystryuka". At houses of such maidens sang shameless songs, smeared gate with tar, etc. [32].

The decisive word when choosing the groom or bride always remained for parents. Cossacks highly appreciated family life, were respectful to married. The libertines as well as who gave a chastity ceremony, Cossacks in the environment did not suffer.

The long service affected distribution of economic duties. The Cossack wives got used to cope on economy. Speaking about grebensky villages, it is necessary to tell about independence of grebensky women. They had to live months and years without husbands when those went to uncountable enemies, to hold economy in the hand. Constant dangers taught them to ride, shoot. And as to them was not to stick to an old ceremony: they found the main support of the independence in relation to husbands in it.

Often military service or death deprived the Cossack family of the main and only support - the host. In such accidents to the place of the owner the hostess to whose numerous classes all hard work of the Cossack worker is added takes up: "Unenviable position, and sometimes and absolutely desperate. Killed it is moral, weakened by a grief, she has to work tirelessly to support sometimes considerable family" [33].

At the same time, for example, Georgian Cossacks for traditional reasons did not involve women in works in the field therefore "when the Georgian is outdoors, all his economy falls into full decay as without it there is nobody to take care of economy. The Cossack Georgian represents type of the garemny woman. Hunger, poverty cause in her only on -

currents of tears, but she will not move a finger somehow to find this way out. Most of Georgians consider reprehensible not only to go to work, but also to the river behind water" [34]. The disorder of life often promoted impoverishment of economy.

The Cossack widower spoke, pointing to the children: "There is a burden which for the lack of the adult woman in the house prevents to rise to economy" [35]. The first measure to which Cossacks resorted is to use children for work at that tender age when the child needs to become stronger, to raise, attend school; the second measure is an oversight in a household: instead of women remained at farms and children, they 8 - to 9-year-old family members charge supervision for other babies and behind the house, and go to help Cossacks, leave on foreign earnings or nanimayutsya1 to work at. prosperous neighbors. At such rhythm of life of the woman were quickly exhausted, many children through an oversight died, finally also the Cossack economy suffered.

The Cossack separatism affected marriage taboos. Marriages, as. the rule,’ consisted between the Cossack families, was considered to accept to the house the bride from non-residents low-prestigious, and giving the daughter in family of non-residents, it was not necessary to speak.

V. the marginal environment - non-residents the marriage and family relations developed on the new homeland simpler. Families; non-residents in отличие&от the Cossack families were not so pronounced economic associations: social and economic living conditions of the nonresident population could not but affect structure and number of their families. This category of the population of the Tersky region of more others was subject to innovations. The institute of a primache-stvo gained broad development. - the Groom settled in family of more wealthy father-in-law, becoming the gratuitous worker without the special rights. This type of the family relations was condemned as in the environment of the Caucasian people, and the Cossacks.

The special organization of life of the Cossacks full of tragedies and deprivations did not do them stale to a grief, but accustomed to restraint and. vital wisdom concerning death.

It was perceived philosophically: "Where there is life, there and death comes". Death was perceived by national tradition as inevitability. The general living conditions prevailing in the North Caucasus at the end of the 19th century in terms of mortality can be characterized as extremely adverse. These conditions covered all parties of work and life of the population and, causing mass diseases, were the cause of high mortality.

to

to Wide circulation of epidemic and endemic diseases, besides low - the general and sanitary culture of local community, was promoted by lack of any measures for prevention and treatment of diseases and also on improvement of the environment. In the Tersky region was by the beginning of the 20th century: pharmacies - 25; military hospitals - 11; hospitals - 6; doctors - 123; paramedics -

325; midwives - 37. One doctor fell in districts on 65,681 persons [36]. About 200 thousand people longed annually different diseases for area, the mortal outcome made about 15.2% of them.

Therefore long time was not noted signs of decrease in incidence and mortality. The mortality rate remained on steadily high mark. The Tersky region long since was a zone where epidemics of typhus, malaria constantly raged. The frequent flashes of epidemics of cholera and typhus claiming many lives were a consequence of bad sanitary condition of edge. Smallpox was one of the most widespread epidemic - diseases. Even in rather favorable years every 4th diseased died of smallpox. About 5% hurt tuberculosis. At the end of the 19th century 6 people from 1000 died of different forms of tuberculosis. Trachoma, a craw, gastrointestinal, cardiovascular diseases were widespread.

So, the beginning of the 20th century became for the people of the Tersky region some kind of Renaissance. The end of dragged-out Caucasian war, a modernization course of the Russian government contributed to the forward development of all spheres of life of the peasantry. The capitalist relations shook the settled economic way, made such changes which at a favorable situation could change radically economy, life and the culture of country people. •

The demographic model of the Caucasian society underwent rather serious changes. Objectively high birth rate was dictated by social and economic conditions. The country economy was involved in the new relations, it transformed the traditional foundations of society which were expressed first of all in change of gender and age structure of the population, increase in number of small families - the most optimum cell in capitalist conditions. It in turn changed the attitude in this organization, the large role was played by men who earned a subsistence. At all innovations in demographic processes firm was extremely high level birth. High specific weight of children's and working and active groups in which the male population prevailed was feature of a gender and age situation of the North Caucasus. At the same time the increased child mortality connected with bad hygienic and social living conditions was noted.

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25. SSKG. 1868. Issue I. Page 55.
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28. Periodicals of the Caucasus about Ossetia and Ossetians. Tskhinvali, 1980. Issue I. Page 62.
29. Tersky sheets. 1894. No. 12.
30. K. Khetagurov of SOBR. soch.: In 5 t. T. 3: Dzaudzhikau, 1951. Page 231.
31. G. Vertepov. Economic position of lower reaches of the Terek River//Tersky collection. 1903. Issue 6. Page 160.
32. From cultural heritage of the Slavic population of Kuban (materials to lecture courses and a practical training). Krasnodar, 1999. Page 173.
33. The statistical monograph on a research of stanitsa life of Tersky Cossack army. Vladikavkaz, 1881. Page 345.
34. RGVIA, t. 330, op. 51, 1625, l. 52.
35. CGA RSO - And, t. 20, op. 1, 45, l. 80.

36. Report of the chief of the Tersky region z

John Robert Byron
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