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section HISTORY



© R.A. Haziyev

Bashkir state university Russia, Republic of Bashkortostan, 450074 Ufa st. of Frunze, 32.

Ph. / fax: & #43;7 (34 7) 273 6 7 78.


Identification and the arkheografichesky analysis of the considerable massif of earlier unknown narrative sources and also extensive statistical material on the social and economic history of the Urals allows to disclose 1917 — 1921 orientation, contents and regional specifics of realization of new social practice during the state administration of economy of 1917 — 1921

The Northern voyennoprodovolstvenny team of Narkomvoyendel created at the end of 1917 in the territory of the Volga region, the Urals and Siberia became the first group of quick response alienating food in the village [1]. In May, 1918 the Regional council of food and economic committee of Western Siberia and the Urals supported a requisition way of "production of bread" [2]. Economic destruction in spring-summer of 1918 of Ural "ku-varnishes-egoists", prosecution of "the meshochnik "parasitizing" on the shortage of food and speculators" was expressed that prodotryadovets "darted about on all corners, taking away bread, the cattle, and other supplies from peasants and ruthlessly dealt shortly with those who only dared to protest" [3].

Response of country people to growth of "nationalization of bakery products" followed immediately. For the Ufa, Chelyabinsk, Perm, Ekaterinburg provinces and Udmurtia and rare the situation described in the report of the chief of Kamyshlovsky working group P.N. Podporin was not such. In June, 1918 he reported to the Shadrinsk operational staff about relentless persecution of the fists clenched by "an iron vice" [4].

All peasants possessing any stocks of bread became opponents of combatants. Narkomprod was well informed, constantly obtaining information from the Ural provinces that "surplus of bread is in 90% at the average and poorest population, at those peasants who consist in poor committees and Councils of Deputies" [5]. Those against whom since December, 1918 over 300 Petrograd prodagitchik were at war in Udmurtia were for them than other "as the killed local labor peasantry", not understanding that it "sacred bread... the proletariat fighting for the sacred rights" had to support [6].

The growing antisovietism of rural producers was caused not only nationalization you -

rashchenny back-breaking toil of a harvest. To outlook of the grain-grower working all night long, it was impossible the taken roots irresponsible relation of prodotryadnik to work of peasants. To the middle of December, 1919 on the Dolmatovo station (Ekaterinburg province) brought the bread "extorted" from villages, having stored 140 thousand pood. directly on snow "under the open sky" [7]. On ssypny points of the Shadrinsk and Kamyshlovsky Counties similarly died 1,200,000 pood. grains [8].

The patience of peasants burst when in February, 1920 in one of settlements of the Birsk County of the Ufa province the drunk prodotryadnik beat and robbed the Red Army men who arrived to treatment home [9]. The broken-out revolt of "Black Oryol and the farmer" became the detonator which blew up the collected country discontent illegal "komissaroderzhaviy" [10]. Materials of the insurgent organizations allow to come to a conclusion that the majority of 224 "revolts" only of the South Ural peasants was directed against the hardest grocery and labor services imposed by Bolsheviks on the village [11].

Slogans, addresses, leaflets, documents of personal origin (notes, letters, poems), orders, declarations, "rebellious" appeals of "Blue national army of the All-Russian Constituent assembly", "Country Green army", "Vosstavshikh group Volya Narod", "The first national revolutionary army Okh-ranyuka-Chersky", "A Kurgan liberating division", "Army of the Truth of A. Sapozhkov" and others abound with the ideas about need of opposition to Bolshevist mockery and violence over plowmen [12].

The mood which is constantly fixed by security officers "worrying" and "offended by the Soviet power" reflected peasants of the Orenburg, Perm, Ekaterinburg, Chelyabinsk provinces and Bashkiria [13] taken roots in their environment before -

The research is executed with financial support of RGNF within the research project of RGNF "The State Administration of Economy and Social Practice in the Urals in 1917-1921 (Analysis of New Documents and Materials)". Project No. 07-01-00265 and.


section HISTORY

a stavleniye about the unfair relation of Bolsheviks to them. Peasants rejected unclear, unnecessary and, therefore, the noneconomic line of the government hostile to the village which was roughly violating the rights of agricultural producers to possess at least a part of the product which is grown up by them. No justifications by war and difficulties of the endured moment could shake belief of peasants about intended use by Bolsheviks against them the planned punitive actions for receiving a unilateral economic benefit by the government.

Despite allotment burdens, the Ural peasants in different degree felt action of the state administration aimed at receiving food resources, fast and cheap on expenses, from the village. Created, generally in provinces, close to Moscow, the management system of management of economy did not receive the same distribution in the Urals that already drove in a wedge into uniform space of food dictatorship.

In some territories of the Urals because of the developed economic specifics there was no need to introduce the system of "nationalization of bakery products". Therefore on places used the arsenal of coercive measures which was available at the disposal of provincial authorities not everywhere in order that "it is total to extort food" from the village. The behavior of the Chelyabinsk revkom, considerable time solving a food problem in the way, economic, justified and socially inexplosive for the power, - drift demonstrates to it [14].

In Bashrespublika own allotments option, coming down to easy for a property condition of peasants to a prodnalog [15] was implemented. The "economic regionalism" condemned by Narkomprod in preparations of food for the Center was shown in the Orenburg province [16].

In general, the situation in the grain-producting Urals was such is that the allotment could not compete with the underground market and unconsciously gave rise at a considerable part of local peasants saving for itself, a syndrome, pernicious for economy of the state and ensuring food security of the country: it is better to cut out a cattle livestock, to hide bread in holes or to sell it on a market, than to hand over products on an allotment. The aspiration to cover from accountants and to carry liquid goods on the market destroyed centrally - distributive economy and deprived the state of the main - material livelihoods of socialism won in fights.

During military-political, economic and various other cataclysms, in many states, without deliberating, stopped to special instructions the civil rights and strictly orders -

bring down not submitting. A considerable part of revolutionary Russians and also neutrally and the inhabitants who were indifferently treating the Soviet power, at the beginning courageously transferred the new social practice realized by Bolsheviks in the field of the labor relations which led to need of strict execution of the "konnonaturalny salaries" appointed by public authorities, "wood duties", "the emergency labor mobilization".

The specifics of the new social practice which is carried out by Bolsheviks were that a phenomenon of public understanding entered by employer - the state concerning workers of a number of social and economic restrictions at the heavy moment of formation for legs of the new power, the Council of People's Commissars turned into the category of labor everyday life of unlimited validity period. The noneconomic attachment to work accompanied with confrontational division of society into "ours", revolutions of the devoted, and class enemies who were infinitely machinating to the proletariat was intended to accustom the population to take down resignedly legalized rush work. Subsequently a chrezvychayshchina, having forever got to like planned economy, it began to be applied infinitely in the fights following one by one "during a harvest", "for steel", "for coal", for opening of "epoch-making" objects to another anniversary of a revolutionary holiday, by a birthday of the leader, by the beginning of work of a party congress, etc.

The main weight of the labor services entered by the Bolshevist state fell on the most numerous labor in the country - peasants. In the Urals they made skeleton of the unskilled workers sent to different types of working off. The labor mobilization which are carried out since the end of 1917 for urgent works, in addition to the armed campaigns behind bread to the village, turned for peasants soon into some continuous works involving all hands to which still voluntary and compulsory community work days and community work days increased then [17].

Motivation to work began to be based on cultivation of fear of inevitability of punishment - imprisonment, an imprisonment in a concentration camp, an indicative execution of deviators and their concealers [18]. Transition to repressions began with the announcement Council of People's Commissars in February, 1919 of fight against winter drifts. If clearing of snow was not made to the appointed term, peasants should be taken hostage and to shoot [19].

B of a bigger degree load of country people of the Urals increased after a release of governmental decrees of August 18, 1919. "About the organization of animal-drawn business on places" and on November 19, 1919. "About introduction of some types of the state duties" [20]. On ways of carrying out and the pursued purposes it was the action strengthening administrative management called

compulsory purpose of a natural wood duty, preparations of wood raw materials and animal-drawn transportations to overcome economic crisis.

Militarization of everyday life very often was the convenient cover allowing the Ural managers "on legal grounds" to raise as far as it was possible, quality of party and economic life. The district and volost committees obliged to organize preparation, warehousing, transportation of firewood and other cargoes for smooth functioning of the metallurgical enterprises of the Urals everywhere appointed animal-drawn and wood duties for satisfaction of the personal needs.

The duties imposed on peasants gave the chance to party bureaucrats to get free transport which peasants were obliged to send at any time "without any delays" [21] elimination of "fuel hunger" did not promote at all. The self-eminence of the backward chiefs showing to people around symbols of the new social status - personal horse departure with the personal driver, left a burdensome impression at country people.

The started flywheel of execution by peasants of numerous trudpovinnost got especially intolerable forms of execution in counties and the volosts of the Urals. By the beginning of spring of 1920 the population of the Birsk County of the Ufa province reached a condition of a mass hysterics and "a full zadergannost threats. giving to court" all "shirking" the universal colors called for "the whole areas, manpower from 16 to 50 years and cash a supply" [22]. The chairman of the Perm district and city committee on carrying out a general labor service Kolesov for identification and attraction to works of "idlers and parasites", created by March, 1920 own network of agen-tov-observers [23]. Material punishment widely was applied to the found "refuseniks" of the labor front. In August, 1920 for non-performance of "trudzadacha" of 50 thousand rubles the Vorobyevsky society of the Kochevsky volost of the Cherdyn County of the Perm province paid [24].

In the Ekaterinburg province, in protest at entered "for the period of trudmesyaets [April, 1920] of 10 hour working days" peasants began to leave party massively. Only in the broken-up cells of the Kataysky volost the party membership cards threw out 400 people [25]. No spells about the danger which hung over socialism inspired the most part of peasants "strictly to observe labor services in the conditions of general ruin".

The negative opinion of ordinary citizens on "the works appointed by the state" slipped also in messages of provincial correspondents. In a newspaper note of P.Ya. Dyshler the dark Perm peasants calling "a labor service the Soviet slavery and corvee" [26] were criticized. From Article P. Ural: "A labor service on places" did not make big work to understand the background occurring in volosts of the Perm province

events: "epileptics, cripples will be mobilized feeble-minded. Instead of an efficient kulachya, idlers and egoists also young children, pregnant women and nursing mothers" are sent [27].

Neglect the simplest cost accountings (capital expenditure, labor productivity, prime cost); physical and moral sufferings of mobilized; grotesque equalizing of pregnant women on a tree felling and timber rafting in the rights with men led to what villagers began to feel as objects of not goodwill and spiteful revenge of the state.

The total disinterest of villagers in working off when using the only stimulations method - revolutionary prosecution of "parasites" by tribunals - inevitably conducted to the fact that the political trust to the power "catastrophically fell", and "a malicious smutyanstvo" of peasants developing into series of revolts, moved the government urgently to look for an exit which was found in a look saving for the mode - the New economic policy.


1. The sailor of the Black Sea Fleet S.A. Organization of food supply in 1917-1920: State and legal aspects. Saratov, 1986. Page 56-57.
2. State Archive of the Orenburg Region (SAOR). T. 1. Op. 1. 8. L. 13.
3. Votkinsk. Documents and materials. 1758-1998. Izhevsk, 1999. Page 147.
4. The southern Trans-Ural region during civil war (1918-1920): Sb. dock. and materials. Kurgan, 1963. Page 55.
5. Russian State Archive of Economy (RSAE). T. 2012. Op. 1. 300. L. 8 about.
6. To the twentieth anniversary of liberation of Udmurtia from a kolchakovshchina (July, 1919 - June, 1939): Mater. and documents. Izhevsk, 1939. Page 23.
7. RGAE. T. 1943. Op. 1. 737. L. 2.
8. RGAE. T. 1943. Op. 1. 737. L. 1.
9. Ufa October collection No. 2. Ufa, 1920. S. 193.
10. L.A. butts//Revolution and person. Social and psychological aspect. M, 1996. Page 157.
11. D.A. Safonov. The country movement in South Ural. 18551922 g. Chronicle and historiography. Orenburg, 1998. Page 292.
12. A.D. Safonov. Great peasant war of 1920-1921 and South Ural. Orenburg, 1999. Appendix No. 1. Page 266-279.
13. Soviet village eyes of Cheka-OGPU-NKVD. 1918-1922: Dock. and materials. 1998. T. I. Page 295, 344, 356.
14. RGAE. T. 1943. Op. 3. 462. L. 129, 133 about, 148 about; 958. L. 1.
15. Central state historical archive Res-

publics Bashkortostan (CGIA RB). T. 230. Op. 1. 5. L. 90, 112; T. 700. Op. 1. 6. L. 73.

16. RGAE. T. 1943. Op. 3. 525. L. 15, 20, 32.
17. Meetings of legalizations and orders of the Working and Country government. 1918. No. 55. Article 610; 1918. No. 78. Article 820.
18. Perm Krai: the past and the present. Perm, 1997. Page 114.
19. Decrees of the Soviet power. M, 1965. T.1U. Page 627.
20. Meetings of legalizations and orders....1919. No. 42. Page 404; 1919. No. 57.C. 543.
21. Joint State Archive of Chelyabinsk Region (JSACR). T. 363. Op. 1. 112. L. 6.
22. RGAE. T. 1943. Op. 3. 733. L. 41.
23. State Archive of the Perm Region (SAPR). T. 107. Op. 1. 192. L. 106.
24. Russian State Archive of Socio-political History (RSASPH). T. 17. Op. 12. 382. L. 23 about.
25. Russian State Archive of Socio-political History (RSASPH). T. 17. Op. 12. 172. L. 121.
26. P.Ya. Dyshler. A labor service in the village//the Star (Perm). 1920. June 18.
27. Star (Perm). 1920. June 24.

Came to edition of 10.07.2008. After completion — 04.08.2008

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