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Inshore fishing of Primorye features of development



izvestiya of the Pacific research fishery center 2000 Tom 127

A.A. Kurmazov

INSHORE FISHING of SEASIDE - FEATURES of DEVELOPMENT

Inshore fishing and small business in fishery

Before emergence of forwarding fishery at a boundary of the 19-20th centuries world fishery including the Russian, developed as especially coastal. To coastal in Russia refer practically all types of trade in Azov and partly Black the seas, fishing sturgeon, chastikovy and seldy on the Caspian Sea, a navaga and to some extent a herring in the White Sea, trade in the gulfs of the Baltic Sea salmon in the Far East, collective-farm trade at Kamchatka, Sakhalin and in Primorsky Krai (Alekseev, Ponomarenko, 1997).

However some listed crafts in the Far East with development new technicians and tactics of fishery changed, there were new types of economic activity connected with production of hydrobionts. Therefore it is necessary to specify what part of crafts, in particular salmon, enters category coastal and what has to be referred to other categories of fishery. Collective-farm trade also not always was purely coastal. Inshore fishing it is necessary to include in category also all activity connected with marikultury.

The main criteria according to which any given type of sea trade we refer inshore fishing to category, in our opinion, is the following.

1. The sizes and autonomy of navigation of fishing vessels which owing to technical characteristics and also for reasons of safety cannot be on trade more than 1-2 days. This criterion without legislative definition is rather conditional. But if to address foreign experience, then we will see that, for example, in Japan except a strict regulation of the sizes on the tonnage for each ships class also fishing areas strictly are established by the relevant laws (a 12-, 200-mile zone or areas beyond its limits and also northern, rather Japanese islands, the water area or southern, etc.).
2. Technology of trade and tool of fishing. For example, it is impossible to refer large-scale trawling or drift-net fishing to inshore fishing in any way. At the same time all types of trade by stationary tools of fishing belong to especially inshore fishing. Many other types of the technology of fishery depending on areas them
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use and scales can be applied both in coastal, and in sea or oceanic fishery. Owing to attachment to the coast of a construction of farms of a marikultura (cages, garlands, etc.), undoubtedly, are a part of inshore fishing.

3. The types of hydrobionts making a fishery source of raw materials. These are first of all the sedentary types living at small depths - mollusks and seaweed. Fishes which life cycle or its part passes in close proximity to coast (a striking example - salmons with which trade during spawning migrations, actually, and formation of the Russian fishery in Primorsky Krai began). A sea animal and also the cetacea got during native trade (exists in Russia, the USA and Canada) and the traditional small-scale coastal trade which remained in Japan (Papers..., 1996).
4. Lack of processing of a catch in the sea directly on the vessel. The proximity to the coast allows to avoid the organization of expensive operations on vessels, catches daily or time in several days are given on the coast in the fresh or cooled look.

Partially it is possible to include crafts in internal reservoirs in category of inshore fishing. Trade of salmons in the rivers (for example, in the river system of Cupid) is carried out in freshwater internal reservoirs, however species of fish most of which part of life cycle passes in the sea are got at the same time, in the sea also the greatest part of a catch is got. At the same time large-scale drift-net fishing of salmons during sea migrations which in the Far East gained development under the guise of scientific research in recent years cannot be referred to inshore fishing in any way.

The listed above criteria allow to distinguish that special that is characteristic of inshore fishing. However it is only a part of the industrial complex "inshore fishing" - production. But its work cannot do without such types of activity as ship repair, their design and construction, processing of fish, network of realization, management of sea bioresources, including their research, and control of their rational use, i.e. all those directions which make a fishery complex in general.

It is necessary to divide the concepts "inshore fishing" and "small and medium business". It concepts of a different logical row: the first - intrinsic category, the second - a form or scales of activity. Another thing is that small enterprises are engaged in inshore fishing in the majority. But at the same time not only average, but also small enterprises if they possess the relevant fleet (even if it is one vessel), are capable to conduct forwarding sea trade.

Thus, we defined the criteria necessary for the correct understanding of author's approach to the studied object. We will rely on them during further reasonings.

Lower we consider it expedient to investigate first of all stages of development and the accumulated experience of conducting inshore fishing in the western part of the Sea of Japan, to establish causes and effects of its degradation, to carry out whenever possible inventory of the available reserve and only after that to make very conservative forecasts on prospect. It is about a field of activity where is almost not present (for neko4

tory exceptions) predictabilities because of poorly drafted legal framework, lack of the state program of development and long continuous experience of evolutionary development.

Historical prerequisites of emergence of inshore fishing in Primorsky Krai

Development of natural wealth, including sea bioresources, Far East territories of Russia began rather recently in connection with the latest in comparison with other suburban regions their accession to territories of the Russian Empire. It is possible to draw some analogies to development of fisheries, for example, on the Caspian Sea where these crafts were transferred in the 18th century by the state to the contents to merchants, and then developed also with the participation of the Cossacks (Ivanov, 1999). The main feature of the first stages of development of fishery in Primorye was that the indigenous people able to be a source of experience of economic use of local natural resources, there were extremely small, only several thousands of people in districts of the Amur basin and Ussuri Krai (Egorov, 1985). According to a population census of 1926, 1357 Udege, 750 olchy, 650 Chukchi, 4298 Gilyaks lived in Primorye, settlements of Orochs are found, number is not established (Utibasi, 1966). Fishery began to develop almost from scratch.

Spontaneous fishery only for needs of own livelihood was carried out by peasants immigrants and Cossacks. The first objects of trade were almost exclusively sturgeon. Their trade in the first years of the settlement (1849-1880) was conducted by Cossacks on Amur and also immigrants in the place of a source of the Sungacha River from the Lake Khanka (Przhevalsky, 1949; Priamurye sheets, 1900).

Surprisingly, but even the mass course salmon to the rivers did not induce the first immigrants to industrial preparation of stocks of fish while, for example, at Nivkhs fishery in the rivers was the main occupation.

The first attempts to organize industrial trade of fish by the Russian entrepreneurs were unsuccessful. The trade of a sea cabbage adjusted by the Vladivostok merchant Ya.I. Xie-exchange in the Bay Olgi since 1861 and also whaling in the Sea of Okhotsk within the Russian-American company in 18521853 and in the Sea of Japan in the 70-80th of the 19th century (Takitani, 1996) were more successful. At the beginning trade of not fish objects the fact that production of cabbage did not require initial capital investments and nearby, in China contributed to the development, there were sales markets, and trade of whales had already sufficient tradition and again steady sales market in Japan.

In 80- and 90th last century creation in 1884 contributed to quite fast development of industrial fishing in Primorye. The Priamurye Governorate-General with the center to Khabarovsk, introduction of duties on evacuation of fish, creation of settled population by it that was promoted by financial encouragement of immigrants. There were crab and trepangovy crafts in the Amur and Ussuriysk gulfs and even rules of their maintaining, though mostly formal in the absence of sufficient forces of police and bodies of fishing supervision.

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Faster increase in the population which would exist due to fishery was interfered by a large number among immigrants of the peasants seeking to be engaged in a zemlepashestvo despite coercion to be engaged in fishery and also control of the Chinese dealers of fish over the Vladivostok fish market who did not allow on the market of new suppliers, being afraid of falling of the prices.

Main fishing areas of the Far East of Russia

at the beginning of the century

To the beginning of the century in the Far East four main fishing areas - Lower Amur, Sakhalin, Southwest, Kamchatka were created. Everyone had the peculiar features. By the beginning of the 20th the following factors had the greatest impact on the nature of formation of areas.

First, to the period between Russian-Japanese and World War I by the wars in Russia rapidly development of many branches of economy went. Capitalist methods of managing were strongly included into fishery, especially in regions of the European part of Russia where traditions of fishery had deep roots by this time (Volga, the Caspian Sea, etc.). Secondly, after defeat in war Russia signed the unprofitable Fishing convention for itself with Japan 15 on July (28), 1907. Based on provisions of the Portsmouth peace treaty of 1905, it affirmed the Japanese rights to use fish resources of coastal areas of the Russian Far East (Kurmazov, 1997b). Thirdly, practice of involvement of immigrants to the Far East was improved. The state grants were for this purpose increased. And the increased competition for crafts, in particular in the Astrakhan fishing district, induced to draw the bigger attention of the Astrakhan fishermen to the Far East - Amur, coast of the Okhotsk and Japanese seas (Egorov, 1985).

Action of the specified factors was ambiguous, and sometimes and opposite. The initiative of the Russian entrepreneurs was strongly held down by obligations of Russia to provide to Japanese the best fishing areas. Japan in the Far East (as Romania in the West) was the main market of the Russian fish export (Sysoyev, 1970) which terms were dictated or bought by the Asian neighbor.

In Lower Amur fishing district inshore fishing developed on the basis of seasonal trade and sales of a crude Siberian salmon and a humpback salmon by small industrialists. The catch on zasolny sites of Japanese came true. However from 1909 to 1911 there was a fast reduction of sales volumes to the Japanese buyers. In 1909 on Japanese "saltings" 92% of a humpback salmon and 91% of a Siberian salmon of a summer catch and 72% of an autumn Siberian salmon, and in 1911 - only 50% of a catch of salmons were sold (Egorov, 1985). Within "city" sites of Nikolaevsk - on - Cupid since 1910 the ambassador of fish only on the Russian way was resolved (The Russian navigation, 1912) that excluded a possibility of export it to Japan.

Except trade, in the lower Amur Current the coastal infrastructure, including fridges, four fish-canning plants (only one belonged to the Russian fishery manager Galichanin, the others to foreigners) and the fat plants was created. The new moved Astrakhan fishery managers introduced glaciers astra6

hansky type with chests and tubs for salting. Two covered piers were built. The total cost of the equipment of nizhneamursky fisheries these years was about 12 million rubles (Arkhipov, 1926).

If salmon crafts gained lines of industrial capitalist farms more and more, then sturgeon and chastikovy the smallest businessmen, peasants and the local small people generally got. In 1907-1913 in the basin of Amur about 29 thousand poods of sturgeon fishes were annually caught on average (Soldatov, 1915).

Trade was regulated by acquisition of tickets for each tackle worth from 60 kopeks to 1 rub during a summer season and acquisitions of the rights for the site worth 30 rub far off in the winter (Soldatov, 1915).

The directions of realization of catches consisted, first, on sale of catches to large fish processors in the summer; secondly, to the wholesale buyers supplying the markets of Nikolaevsk, Khabarovsk and Vladivostok, in the winter; and, at last, sturgeon balyks were on sale in the summer to passengers of steamships on the Amur piers.

Trade of other species of fish (a whitefish, a silver carp, a pike, a crucian, cupid, a taimen) had purely consumer character and did not demand the rent. The attempt of the organization of production of a lamprey is known. In 1911 20,000 pieces of a lamprey were caught, processed and realized in Nikolaevsk and Habarovs-ke.

By the beginning of World War I crafts were technically improved, more progressive tools of fishing which were much more expensive than handicraft tools were more and more used. Therefore country and other small-scale enterprises were replaced with larger capitalist.

Development of the Russian inshore fishing on Sakhalin during the period between wars strongly restrained. The cause is there were an annexation of the southern part of the island Japan, severe climatic conditions and lack of the help to immigrants from the Astrakhan fishermen from the Tsar's administration. There were two areas of conventional fishing: a herring on the west bank from the 50th parallel to a post Aleksandrovsky and salmon near the mouth of the river Tym. All products of conventional crafts were taken out to Japan in the form of a herring tuk and the salmons salted in the "dry" Japanese way.

After 1910. The Priamurye Governorate-General attempts to reorient deliveries from fisheries of northern Sakhalin on the Russian market by granting preferential terms to the Russian fishery managers become. But, despite all efforts, export of products to Japan still made 93-94% (Egorov, 1985).

In 1907-1913 on northern Sakhalin commodity fishery of the country population to which when conducting fishery privileges were provided extended. Peasants were engaged in trade are-telno, being grouped in 3-4 people and buying one seine on all. However such form of the organization of trade could exist with great difficulty. Sales market on the island was extremely limited. And in the absence of regular transport connection with "continent" and moorings for loading of catches the passage of catches by forces of local fishermen from peasants was almost impossible or is accompanied by huge risk for life.

Despite considerable stocks of bioresources in the area, the Russian fishery of development on northern Sakhalin did not receive, and

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this area for Russia of independent fishery value had no.

The southwest fishing area (coast of modern Primorsky Krai) differed from other areas in a variety of an environment. The greatest distribution was received here by trade of a herring, though had no prevailing character. Together with a herring the navaga, a smelts, a flounder, a cod and other types which trade in other areas had only consumer character were commercially got. The coast of Primorye was the only thing in the Far East where there was an active trade of not fish objects - crabs, a trepang, shrimps, mollusks, a sea cabbage.

There were significant differences between the South of Primorye (the hall. Peter the Great) and North. Coast hall. Peter the Great was since the most ancient times the habitat of the people who were engaged in fishery all year owing to the richest living resources of the sea. In the north fishery arose rather recently and had focal character at the beginning of the century. An important circumstance was that the hall. Peter the Great it was not carried to conventional areas under the Russian-Japanese fishing convention of 1907, as well as Gulfs Olgi and Vladimira, the bays Vanino and the Imperial Harbour. The rest of northern Primorye fell under the convention.

An environment of the South of Primorye, including also a species diversity, allowed to conduct trade within a year. Taking into account it and also for the purpose of replacement from crafts of foreigners the regulations of fishing were developed. Granting the right of conducting trade only to the Russian industrialists was basic.

The order of obtaining the right to winter and spring and summer fishing was various. The applicant wishing to catch a herring from ice had to post to the city authorities bail - 50 rub - and to pay passing duty to 5 kopeks. The fishery manager had to do the same and at summer trade of a herring by stavny seines, but payment for use of an adjacent coastal zone in 1 kopek from square sazhen in addition was required. Then seldevy crafts began to be leased from the auction in a type of their high profitability.

Average coastal trade was served by 8-10 hired workers, subglacial - 3-4.

As one more measure for regulation of trade in the Southwest fishing area sale of "boat tickets" was applied. Such ticket granted the right to the owner of the boat of a message production of any kinds of fishes, invertebrates and seaweed on all water area the hall. Peter the Great, but 1 miles from sites of "coastal" fishery managers are not closer. The cost of the ticket for the boat with a loading capacity up to 50 poods was 10 rub, to 100 poods - 20 rub and on 15 rub for each subsequent 100 poods. Double payment was raised from motor boats (Pavlenko, 1919). Were got by boat trade a considerable part of fish, generally and kambat mackerels, and practically all volume of not fish objects.

Fishing and processing of crabs were the most productive trade. Till 1908 all catch was taken out through Vladivostok to China and Korea. By 1913, frozen crab meat began to be taken out to Siberia and the European regions of Russia.

The fishery manager Kayserling better known as the organizer of trade of whales in the Sea of Japan, was a pioneer of krabokonservny production. In 1913 at two of its small plants 24000 one-pound cans of canned food were released. Business activity of Kayserling on production of crab canned food as a result failed. Nevertheless this direction became one of the most advanced in the Far East, and in 1913 800 people were engaged in this sphere

Gradually trade of trepangs drags and divers developed. In 1910, trade by a drag extracted 25 poods of trepangs. With

1912 diving trade was allowed, and this year the catch made 254 poods, and in 1913 - 565 poods (Fisheries..., 1913). The products were completely taken out to China and Korea.

The Russian hunters also production of a sea cabbage for export to China and Korea accustomed. On this trade regulations were also taken. Areas of production changed every year that stocks on the used sites were restored. Trade of a grass shrimp by peasants of coastal settlements began to develop in the considered period, and in 1913 the production volume in the Amur and Ussuriysk gulfs was 1130 poods. Trade of combs and mussels was mastered.

Country farms in 1913 had 64 zakidny seines, 11 stavny seines, 950 networks, 226 trap nets, 30 drags. As watercrafts 127 kungas, 85 keel and 74 flat-bottomed boats, 52 boats-dolblenki were used (Fisheries..., 1913).

Fast distribution of small-scale fishing farms by peasants of coastal settlements stimulated development of other types of trade activity. Many villages of the southern Primorye specialized in production of tools of fishing, boats, a container. The barrels produced in the villages of Nezhino and Nikolaevsk were used not only the local industry, but also taken out to Kamchatka. Among peasants-rybopromyslovikov gained development and small coasting navigation.

to small-scale fisheries associations of the largest fishery managers began to compete with

>. In particular, "The union of fishery managers of Peter the Great Bay" tried to create a new niche in fisheries of the Far East, having started vessel construction of trawling trade and having begun to develop not coastal, but sea fishery. The trouble of this undertaking was that the market for realization was one. Cheaper products of high-performance vessels trawlers began to force out more expensive small-scale enterprises. Owners of sites of coastal trade convinced governorship of need to refuse trawling fishing, and in 1913 it was forbidden as breaking steady bases of managing of small fishery managers administratively (Markin, 1969).

In the north of Primorye the development of the inshore fishing focused on domestic market restrained lack of transport communications. Nevertheless primitive trade of a herring, Siberian salmon and humpback salmon and also crabs and a sea cabbage gradually developed. A considerable part of products was taken out on the Japanese market.

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To a large extent conventional fishery was developed. In fact it were foreign enterprises in the Russian territory. Not conventional fishery was substantially small-scale country trade. It was promoted by proximity of the market of Vladivostok executing besides both a role of large transit hub, and a wide range of types of marine living resources which part interested large-scale capitalist enterprises a little. The last also found the niche for development of trade and trade.

Though the share of the Southwest area in catches of the Far East made no more than 5%, its value for development of fishery was defined by a role of the major transport hub for ryboperevozok both in the country, and on foreign markets. And its importance increased as Kamchatka and the Okhotsk Coast became the main areas of production of commodity fish.

Remote owing to remoteness and poorly developed transport connections the Kamchatka fishing area so also remained "preserved" if not a number of circumstances. Influence of two was the strongest. First, results of its war, unexpected for Russia, with Japan and signing of the defeatist fishing convention of 1907. The area had to be "reactivated" for the Japanese who acquired the numerous rights for fish resources including Kamchatka. Secondly, to Kamchatka the capital and trade efforts began to get in large volumes foreign (besides Japanese). It in turn also happened for two reasons: the fishing convention allowed attraction of the unlimited foreign financial and industrial capital by Japanese and, besides, the European countries, feeling approach of world war, tried to use resources of salmons of Kamchatka for preparation of strategic stocks of food - fish canned food.

Taking into account these circumstances by 1913 the Russian fishery managers on the western Kamchatka possessed only 6% (in 1912 only 2%), and on east - 21% of fishing sites (Lebedev, 1916).

In the 10th "ikryany" transactions were popular. Japanese on the numerous sites prepared fish in the way of a "dry" salting, throwing out caviar. On the Russian sites only caviar was often prepared, and fish jumped out. The Russian and Japanese owners agreed, and specially sent people took away a garbage as commodity raw materials.

Thanks to introduction of the Japanese capital on the Kamchatka crafts the technical equipment of the coastal enterprises grew. After 1910 on the west bank of Kamchatka ten canneries were constructed. Some of them represented state-of-the-art technology of that time. The Russian crafts in vnekonventsiony areas were exclusively large-scale capitalist enterprises. Small business was absent.

Rapid development of canning production made the Kamchatka fishing area by 1913 the most advanced technically the region of the Far East of Russia.

The large capital was capable to adjust transport connection by own efforts. Vessels of the Voluntary fleet did not cope with transportation of catches. Therefore foreign vessels were attracted, and then a number of big businessmen got own transport fleet.

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Grushetsky and To which president mister Grushetsky was described in the novel by Valentin Pikul "Wealth" in extremely negative light in 1912 had three vessels: "Novel", Evgeny, Fedya (Fisheries..., 1913).

Also trade of crabs was carried out. In 1913 the largest Menarda cannery in the Far East released 200 boxes of crab canned food.

Key industry was concentrated on the western Kamchatka. However and east coast where distribution of fishery had focal character, gave in a year 200 thousand pieces of a Siberian salmon and a humpback salmon, in separate years - up to 400 thousand pieces. In 1910 in Anadyr Grushetsky and To extracted also 633 thousand pieces of salmons and also 6900 poods of a cod (Fisheries..., 1913). The most part of products began to be taken out on the Russian market.

Thus, since 1910 the reorientation of the Kamchatka fishing industry to domestic markets began, the financial privileges guaranteeing sufficient profits for delivery of fish to the European part of Russia were entered. If in 1911 from 215,706 poods of a catch on the western Kamchatka 90,596 poods, or 42%, then in were taken out to Russia

1913 from 240,605 poods - 189,926 poods, or 79%.

Rates of development were high. However it was a consequence of activity of the foreign capital in much bigger degree, than Russian. In fact, Kamchatka became the area of peaceful occupation by Japanese. In 1913 more than 15 thousand Japanese worked here that exceeded the Russian population of the peninsula.

In the same years trade sites on the bank of the Sea of Okhotsk began to develop gradually. But also here Japanese generally worked, and an overwhelming part of products was taken out to Japan. The area was geographically isolated, small on scale, was not visited by the Russian transport vessels and as the industrial region of fishery was not of great importance for Russia.

Development of fishery of Primorye during the Soviet and Post-Soviet period

Though above it was also told mainly about development of the Russian fishery in the Far East, it is necessary to notice how considerable in these areas was the Japanese presence. At the same time, based on the sources studied and given in article, it is necessary to pay attention and to that fact that critical conflict situations in the sphere of fishery between the Russian fishery managers and was foreign a little. The exception makes the short period preceding the beginning of the Russo-Japanese war.

It is possible to explain it, in our opinion, with influence of two conditions. The first is that in many cases the joint development by Russians and Japanese of fish resources of the Far East Russia was mutually advantageous as the Japanese market was the key address of export of the fish got by Russians and from Japan fishing tools arrived, and technology of fishery was borrowed. Secondly, the Russian population was, as before, very small, and there were enough trade areas for all. The fishing convention of 1907 affirmed the Japanese rights for coastal water areas of Russia.

Development of fishery in the Far East after 1917, to be exact after the end here of foreign intervention in 1922, went generally on the way of strengthening of public sector and expansion of sea and oceanic fishery up to the 90th. However till 1928 together with public sector developed as well small-scale cooperative and collective fishery. A big role the new economic policy (NEP) (Mep] oh, played Hasegawa in it, 1998).

In later years the dynamic development of small and average inshore fishing was interfered not only by the policy of the rigid centralized management of the economy based on nation-wide property. The country people have to form the basis of human resources of small-scale coastal enterprises. But even in the most denselypopulated Primorsky Krai in 40 years, from 1926 to 1967, the country people not only did not increase, and even decreased - from 466 thousand to 447 thousand persons. (National economy..., 1968).

Till 1922 economic activity of Primorsky Krai was almost paralyzed. As a result of mass emigration Russia irreplaceably lost about 2 million people, from the Far East about 150 thousand people and 80 thousand people left made physical losses (History..., 1998). What volumes were reached by plunder of marine living resources as a result of intervention, it is necessary only to guess.

The Russian industrialists, including fishery managers, during this period lost an opportunity to develop production. Many private traders left in emigration. By 1923 in different branches of economy of the Far East the foreign capital possessed 58% of the enterprises at which nearly a half of gross industrial output was made (History..., 1998).

In the period of the New Economic Policy feature of revival of such industries as, for example, fishing industry, was that their products had export value. However till 1924 the public sector role in fishery in the Far East consisted only in regulation of trade and delivery of permissions to foreign fishery managers (Demidov, Muravin, 1968), the private enterprises remained in the property of pre-revolutionary owners (History..., 1998).

Such situation developed not accidentally: the first Soviet government saw possibilities of increase in export of fish and receiving foreign currency only in development of the Volga and Astrakhan fishing district and the Pomor North, the Far East, according to SNK, had no export value. Besides, Glavryba was brought from the structure of public authorities (Mep] oh, by Hasegawa, 1998). At backwardness of a system of bank payments and absence of the adjusted network of realization of fish and seafood fishery developed till 30th spontaneously. The foreign capital in fishery of the Far East prevailed still (see the table). Till 1928 about 80% of the Far East trade sites skupatsya by Japanese (Mep] oh, Hasegawa, 1998).

In the period of the New Economic Policy the activity of fishing cooperatives and artels begins to revive again. In 1924 in Nikolaevsk there were 88 artels, in Vladivostok - 30. Same year the lowered rate of rent of fishery sites for country farms was entered. Gradual development of inshore fishing on the abandoned or earlier not used sites Russian began

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of the coast of the Sea of Japan. In 1924 the artels united up to 50% occupied in fishery (Mep] oh, of Hasegawa 1998).

However

Comparison of the production of the enterprises of fishing industry of the Far East for forms of ownership, %

The Compare of the production volumes of the Far East Fisheries Enterprises by ownership forms, %

* the Share of the outputs by sectors d Private Kooperat. State blow. Inostran.

1922/23 9 8 30 53
1923/24 11 8 26 55
1924/25 6 13 22 59
1925/26 16 __________ 12 __________ 27 _________ 45

* In Japan the financial year begins on April 1 and comes to an end on March 30 the next year. Also lt is made on государственны-№ ndZyodYa@ShSh9 by m"; Gave gayrybgr & lt; 1998 both Joint-stock Kamchatka company, and business owners - the famous brothers of Lyuri and others - employed a large number of fishermen, masters of fishing and processing from Japanese. In Japan these years the economic situation was quite difficult, mass unemployment remained. The Russian crafts gave work to a large number of Japanese (Kobayasi, 1983). Besides, the Japanese trade in the Far East Russian waters gave up to 70% of volume of the crab canned food exported by Japan to the USA (Menjo, Hasegawa, 1998).

The Japanese market was extremely important for development of export of fish from the Russian Far East though in country scales the export potential of this region of attention was given a little. Nevertheless in the second half of the 20th the export of fish products was carried out through the office of the trade mission of the Soviet Russia which is specially created in 1925 in Hakodate. Export cost through this representation in 1928 was 1.26 million yens. From Japan through Hako-date fishing nets, metal rolling, vessels were exported to Russia. The cost of the Japanese export to Russia in 1928 exceeded 2.7 million yens. The most part of the Russian export fell on salty a salmon and crab canned food.

But the most mass subject to fishing of coastal trade of Primorye the Far East sardine was. Catches reached 1 million c a year, and in 1937 exceeded 1.5 million c (Demidov, Muravin, 1968).

Catches of inshore fishing in the Far East formed the basis of a total catch prior to the beginning of the 50th, from now on the fleet of the pool began to be replenished with vessels for active sea fishing. By 1964 93% of the general catch fell to the share of active sea trade already.

Sea vessels, undoubtedly, were much more productive. If the crew of one barge from 12 people a year extracted about 600 c of fish, then the team of a seiner of 16 people extracted in a year already 20-25 thousand c. Small seiners of coastal fishing (crew 6-7 people) in the 60th extracted in a year up to 7-8 thousand c of fish and not fish objects. Catches in a coastal zone were on structure more various.

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expansion of production in fishery could not be provided only due to work of the Russian workers and experts. There were extremely not enough working hands, and especially experts of fishing. Therefore and

In 70- and 80th inshore fishing finally lost the former value. It can be explained not only higher performance of sea active fishery. For development of inshore fishing by a necessary condition the well-planned populated coast, resident population is. However living and welfare conditions of fishermen in Primorye were much the worst, than in other industries (Lomakin, 1981). As well as hundred years ago, the Far East fishery to a large extent depended on involvement of labor from the western regions of the USSR. Free business of small fishermen was not encouraged. Development of coastal infrastructure lagged from a fishing complex far behind (Chichkanov, 1981). Inshore fishing in such conditions could not develop.

The deficiency of average and low-tonnage vessels for inshore fishing was according to the most conservative estimates 180 units. The share of catches of low-tonnage vessels in Primorsky Krai in 1980 made only 5.6%. But 20 years ago understanding of need of reorientation of the extracting courts to trade for the 200-mile zone began to develop, the problem of increase in overall performance of the low-tonnage fleet became especially significant (Konovalov, Ponomarev, 1981).

Impossible development of inshore fishing was made by bad equipment or just lack of small ports and porto-points, and this necessary condition of existence of many fish factories. By 1980 for this reason many coastal settlements - Inokent-evka, Adimi, the Nelma, etc. though it is known that existence of fish-processing productions and inhabited settlements along the coast of edge has not only economic value (Thunders, 1981) disappeared.

The same occurred on Kamchatka, but during earlier period: from 1955 to 1968 Zhupanovsky, Karaginsky, Pymtinsky, Yavinsky fish factories, fish factories and sites on the Kolpakovka, Kol Rivers, etc. stopped existence. In total 23 fish factories, 25 fish-canning plants, 18 fridges, 36 fish processing coastal bases were closed (Denikeev, 1998). Let's add that fishery for the Far East is a city-forming, so and geostrategic factor.

As in all previous years of the Soviet power, in 80- and 90th there was no general scheme of development of fishing industry of the Far East and edge. Situation was aggravated with acute shortage labor to a res?

Bonnie Miller
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