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Category: History

Ceremonialism and titulatura of the princely power in consciousness of Old Russian society



The legitimacy of the power represents the permanent factor of life of society designating borders not only the lawful, but also recognized as the population actions of the governor, respectively not only forms of legitimization, but also signs of legitimacy of carriers of the power are important for characteristic of imperious actions. The most part of such signs it is possible to find in the chronicle where the chronicler gives characteristic to princes.

So, B.A. Rybakov allocated a number of the lines necessary for the prince for positive assessment in the opinion of contemporaries, or legitimizations of his power in public consciousness. According to the researcher, it is worth carrying to their number: 1) appearance; 2) lines of the commander, 3) lines of the governor (which can be designated as legitimate behavior); 4) learning;

5) relation to church; 6) palace life; 7) lines haraktera1.

Signs of legitimacy of the power of Old Russian princes developed also on the basis of already existing traditions and the operating titles. So, A.V. Nazarenko, referring to Konstantin Bagryanorodny, specifies that the leaders of Varangian teams receiving control over any given territory were called as "hevdinga" — governors, and the "konung" corresponding to a royal title of the German chronicles and "archon" in the Byzantine diplomatic documents and historical sochineniyakh2 was the highest title.

In spite of the fact that the foreign power more and more got into structure of Slavic society, Varangian names Rurik, Oleg, Igor — according to A.A. Molchanov, did not take root in Russia. They were "obsolete" at the end of the 10th century and are revived only in the 13th century, and the period of lack of the Scandinavian "antro-ponimichesky element" falls just on that time when the problem of "oknyazheniye" of Slavic lands was not only is realized, but also successfully solved. Molchanov also notes that process of temporary eradication of the Scandinavian names coincides with introduction of new — Greek. So, Vladimir's sons received "princely" names "from a grekina" Boris and Gleb dynastic appropriated then descendants of Vladimira3.

Since the beginning of the 11th century a title of the prince as well as the title of the grand duke, becomes dynastic that was connected, first of all, with physical elimination of local princes — "light princes" in this connection also the title "light prince" disappears. For the same reason need both for the annalistic narration, and for different documents, first of all contracts vanishes, to specify a title — the grand Russian duke who is replaced with a title the grand duke.

1 B.A. Rybakov. Russian chroniclers and author of "Tale of Igor's Campaign". — M, 1972, p. 364.
2 A.V. Nazarenko. The German latinoyazychny sources 1X —X1 centuries — M., 1993, p. 107, 142.
3 Molchanov A.A. Drevneskandinavsky an antroponimichesky element in dynastic tradition of a family of Ryurik dynasty//Formation of the Old Russian state: controversial problems. — M, 1992, p. 46.


Olga Anatolyevna

— to. and. N, managing

department world

economies and

& international






At the same time now in the conditions of fight between relatives of one line there is a need of shift of accents from a word the Russian prince to a word the senior prince where the main semantic loading — "in the father the place", i.e. main in a sort — great. At considerable elasticity of a concept of seniority the title "grand duke" up to the last third of the 12th century is strongly connected with possession of Kiev.

The interesting scheme which reflected dynamics of the concept of seniority was offered, in our opinion, by A.P. Tolochko. According to the scientist, in the 11th century the stareyshinstvo grants the right for possession of Kiev, but at the same time already in the first half of the 12th century Kiev was turned into possession of one of branches by Yaroslavichey, and at the end of the 12th century the concept of a stareyshinstvo becomes not dynastic, but political: "now the Kiev reigning grants the right for a stareyshinstvo, and not vice versa" 1.

However It should be noted that in the 11th century the principle of a genealogical stareyshinstvo was maintained not always. A.P. Tolochko also paid attention to close connection of "name" of the grand duke the tsar with the church-Byzantine tradition on the basis of what the researcher made a hypothesis according to which he of the tsar was conferred a title only on that grand duke who actively participated in "settlement-tavlenii" of the new metropolitan and, moreover, initiated this "postavleniye" 2.

In our opinion, this judgment very gipotetichno because this fact is not confirmed by annalistic data; also It should be noted that the mention of the title "tsar" meets extremely seldom and in other sources. For example, this mention meets on graffito in St. Sophia Cathedral (Yaroslav the Wise); in the private letter of Yury Dolgorukiy to Izyaslav Mstislavich; in the text of the chronicle of 1151 and 1154 (in relation to Izyaslav Mstislavich); in "Word" of the abbot of the Vydubitsky monastery (with a praise to Rurik Rostislavich); in "Word"

1 Cm: Tolite A.P. Knyaz's point in Ancient Russia: Power, property, ideology. — Kiev, 1992. It. To a question of sacral value of formation of the princely power in Russia the IX—X century//Archeology, No. 1. - Kiev, 1990.
2 A.P. Tolochko. To a question of sacral value

formation of the princely power in Russia a century//Archeology, No. 1. - Kiev, 1990.

Daniil Zatochnik (in relation to Vladimir Monomakh); in "the Legend..." about establishment of a new holiday by Andrey Bogolyubsky (in relation to Andrey and Vladimir Monomakh); in "The story about the grand duke Rostislav Mstislavich Smolensky and about church".

It is worth emphasizing that this list does not contain any official document, and besides the specified compositions were made on the basis of the church-Byzantine literary tradition of which in general the name of the governor the tsar is characteristic that does not indicate identical tradition in Old Russian society at all.

to Old Russian society such form of legitimacy as inheritance of the power, and inheritance was well-known

could be various: the son inherits to the father, but as the junior co-governor of the relative (Igor); the son inherits to the father, but at a sopravitelstvo, for example, mothers (Svyatoslav); the son inherits to the father with obligatory support of two brothers — a triumvirate Yaroslavichey. Here it should be noted that such form of legitimation of the power as sopravitels-tvo, arose probably in the 10th century from ancient custom of Varangians — the avunkulat. Its essence that the maternal uncle was not only a tutor, but also the co-governor of the prince. Apparently from further history, this custom in Russia did not take root.

Till 11th century the sopravitelstvo, probably, in general was not fixed in any way, and gained formal signs in general only in the 12th century 3. The brother inherits to the brother — "lestvinichny ascension" (Svyatoslav and Vsevolod Yaroslavichi); the eldest son inherits to the father (Mstislav Vladimirovich); the nephew inherits to the uncle (Svyatopolk Izyaslavich).

Also such form of legitimization of the power as the invitation to "table" was not alien to Old Russian society; for example, cases when "earth" for some reason invites the prince contrary to all laws and the developed traditions are known — so the invitation was received by Vseslav Polotsky, Vladimir Monomakh.

Gaining the power became one more form of legitimization of the power in Russia. So, the Kiev table was neodnokrat-

3 Alexandrov D.N. Essays on the history of the princely power and a sopravitelstvo in Russia in the IX—XV centuries

>- M, 1998, p. 28-31.

but it is won by the princes who under the law did not have the right for reigning in Kiev. For example, Svyatoslav Yaroslavich won "table", having expelled the brother Izyaslav from Kiev, and Izyaslav, in turn, too received "table" by gain, having expelled Vseslav and Svyatoslav; also the truth unsuccessfully, Oleg Svyatoslavich tried to win "table" once.

The ceremony "вокняженя", in our opinion, is of special interest for identification of bases of legitimization. On a ceremony of "voknya-zheniye", i.e. construction in the power, it is possible to comment through "a posazheniye on a table" characteristic of Russia.

A.P. Tolochko allocates several characteristic elements in this ceremony with what it is quite possible soglasitsya1.

1. Entrance of the prince to the city. It emphasizes the special status of "the external force" of the prince. Returning to an annalistic legend of calling of Varangians, It should be noted that the consent of community to accept the prince is expressed by the term "priyashe" that is direct reflection of a ceremony of a meeting of the prince behind the city walls. According to the researcher, there was also one more term reflecting "an entrance of the prince to the city"

— "glorified". So, at the announcement of the prince Vseslav Polotsky the Kiev prince in 1068 in the chronicle used this term - "glorified" probably it was also connected with the fact that at the time of the announcement the prince already was in the city.

Judging by the formulation applied at entry into Kiev of Svyatopolk Izyaslavich ("And an izidosha against it to the kiyena with bow, and its priyasha with pleasure..."), the ceremony of a meeting could include three elements: an exit of the population of the city for walls towards to the prince; the general bow which is possibly symbolizing recognition by city community of the rights of the prince for the power; general expression of joy. Everything together it can be regarded as the sign of voluntary consent of community to obey the authorities of the prince - recognition of the power by the people what is as it was already noted, a basic element of legitimization of the power.

2. Meeting of the prince the highest clergy. As Titmar Merzeburgsky's "Chronicle", this part of Caere - testifies
1 A.P. Tolochko. To a question of sacral value of formation of the princely power in Russia 1X — the X century//Archeology, No. 1. — Kiev, 1990.

manias it was approved already at Vladimir Svyaty's sons. The meeting took place in the main cathedral of the city with use in a ceremony of the main shrines about what the speech will go below.

3. "Posazheniye on a table" (throne) or enthronement. This ceremony, according to A.P. Tolochko, could occur in the temple or in the princely residence. Judging from the fact that in chronicles the table accessory is constantly emphasized

— "the father and the grandfather", it is possible to assume that the ceremony of "posazheniye" symbolized confirmation of powers of the prince as legitimate successor of the predecessors.

4. "Glorification" of the prince by the people (across Tolochko — "meeting" with the people at the exit from the temple). If a meeting behind the city walls

— this consent of all transferred by the general bow, that "glorification" is the consent of everyone expressed by triumph ("joy").

5. The conclusion of "row" between the city and the prince fixed by a ceremony of "kres-totselovaniye".
6. A feast on the prince yard. Originally this part of a ceremony had sacral character of the address to pagan gods about blessing of the prince and people. But with adoption of Christianity the feast became a tradition tribute, and to the forefront there was its other symbolic aspect: city treat prince as sign of its good will.

Here it is necessary to comment also on some princely regalia which gave to the power the sacral status and were an obligatory element, accompanying process of transfer of power. So, A.L. Horoshkevich carries a sword, a staff and the cap similar to that to number of "princely regalia" that "Monomakh's cap" 2 is known as. These regalia connected with ceremonial princely life can be complemented with one more line emphasizing special position of the prince — "gold ceremonial".

In all sources the underlining of the fact that things and details of clothes and princely equipment were made of gold is standard.

2 Horoshkevich of A.L. Postavleniye of princes and symbols of statehood of the X —X111 centuries//Formation of the Old Russian state. Controversial problems.

— M, 1992, p. 71.

Gold (or gilded) things symbolized the related ceremony of "nastolovaniye" — "a gold otny table". This expression which is often found both in the chronicle, and in "Word".

It should be noted that the procedure of transition of the princely power in Ancient Russia for modern science remains in the whole terra incognita (unknown earth). At the same time it is impossible to tell that from researchers absolutely nobody paid attention to this problemu1. Such situation, first of all, is explainable limitation of information that does not mean lack of this procedure in practice at all.

As it was already specified, the first way of transition of the princely power east Slavs had an election which gradually evolved in inheritance princely titula2. Lack of direct instructions in sources on symbols and the procedure of transition of the princely power force to address use of various methods of a research and the conclusions drawn by other sciences. So, linguistic researches of the famous French linguist

AA. Benvenista concerning the Indo-European term "tsar" led it to a conclusion that the crown and a scepter were initial symbols of the power of the prince: "... attributes of throne are not jewelry; the scepter and a crown possess throne. Not the tsar reigns, but a crown because it makes the person the tsar — E. Benvenist claims and continues: — The tsar receives the power from a crown which he has only temporarily". The same sacral importance is connected with a homeric scepter: reign, judge and handle with admonitions only a scepter in hands" 3.

The term "scepter" of the Greek origin and originally this word meant a stick, a road staff. The Slavic term "cue" meaning on me -

1 Is close to the term "scepter" see: I.V. Minnikes. Elections of the prince in the Russian state (X—XIV centuries)//History of state and law. — M, 2003, No. 6, p. 41 — 44; M.S. Grushevsky. Essay of history of the Ukrainian people. — SPb., 1904, building 317-318.
2 D.A. Gribanov. Some problems of the mechanism of transition of the princely power at east Slavs in the 6-9th centuries//the Right and policy, 2005, No. 6(66), p. 133-137.
3 E. Benvenist. The dictionary of Indo-European social terms / Lanes with fr.; General edition and vstup. Article Yu. S. Stepanova. - M, 1995, p. 262.

B.A. Rybakov's niya, stick, club, molot4. B.A. Rybakov's assumption is confirmed also by the Ukrainian legend that the Cue was God's kovalem5.

M.B. Sverdlov understands a noun "cue" in values "direct stick", "staff", "staff" 6 that more corresponds to the Greek scepter. In that case the name "Kiev" could mean the place where there was a carrier of the breeding power. The procedure of transition of the power represented receiving the power by the new prince of a symbol — a cue.

Process of transition of society to the state found the reflection in fixing of the place of the princely residence and at the same time the state capitals. Kiev became such center.

The Christianization of Kievan Rus' at Vladimir had a huge impact on sacral tradition of transfer of power. "Postav-leniye" was replaced by a ceremony of "the invitation to a table" with a further church service. At the same time "meeting" of the prince could take place at considerable distance from the city. So, in 1142 the Novgorod ambassadors met the invited Izyaslav Mstislavich for three days of traveling, and at distance of one day of traveling he was met by all city. Further the procession moved to one of princely palaces where there was "glorification-postavle-niye-posazheniye" of the prince on a throne not by city community as it was earlier, and the highest ecclesiastic — the metropolitan, in country towns

— bishop or archbishop. After "posazheniye" the prince, the highest clergy and the immediate environment of the prince went to the main cathedral of the city for a solemn church service and vestments of the prince in special clothes. During this period the great value is gained by royal regalia.

Thus, it is possible to come to a conclusion that the Russian princes really borrowed a part of imperial symbols of the power, first of all from Byzantium, and such loan can be noted since the period of government of Vladimir I.

4 B.A. Rybakov. Ancient Russia: Legends. Bylinas. Chronicles. — M, 1963, p. 25.
5 Mythological dictionary / Chapter of an edition E.M. Meletinsky. — M, 1990, p. 284.
6 Sverdlov M.B. Domongolskaya Russia: the prince and the princely power in Russia VI — HS of century — SPb., 2003, building 79.
Andresen Mathilde
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