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Category: History



S.V. Turov

Based on the published data from the archives sources, development of cattle-breeding and farming in peasants household of West Siberia in XVIII — the first half of XIX centuries in correlation with environment are considered. The numerical data testifying to the sucsesses of west-siberian cattle-breeding in the middle of XIX century. It is stated rather high knowledge level of soil and climate peculiarities of the region among peasants and some local agricultural peculiarities are investigated.

In XVIII — the first half of the 19th centuries of one of the most important industries of country economy the cattle breeding was. Noticeable, in comparison with the 17th century, development of this industry was connected with movement of the Russian peasantry from northern taiga areas to the South, plentiful haymakings and pastures and also with increase in need for cartage and growth of market capacity at cattle breeding products. Sources of the 18th century give only an approximate picture of security of peasants of scotomas [the Peasantry..., 1982, page 189-199]. But it is possible to note that average security of scotomas in the West Siberian provinces in the 18th century was much higher, than in the European part of the country [Yemelyanov, 1980, page 168-169; 1981, page 40-41, 44, 70, 9495; Zheravina, 1970, page 149; Kondrashenkov, 1969, page 51-54; Minenko, 1975, page 78-79; Pundani, 1975, page 37-42; Rusakova, 1976, page 69]. There are systematized data on average security of the peasantry of scotomas on revizsky soul within the Tomsk province in the 1840th. Ka-insky district: horses — 2.2; cattle — 2.6; sheep and goats — 3.7. Altai district: horses — 2.4; cattle — 2; sheep and goats — 2.2 [the Peasantry..., 1982, page 199]. In the Tyumen County on average about 4-5 horses, 4-6 cows, 5-7 sheep and 1-2 pigs were the share of the yard [Minenko, 1991, page 119].

Thus, the sizes of cattle breeding were not identical in various areas of Western Siberia. Most of all cattle was at peasants of Tarsky, Kurgan, Ishim, Yalutorovsk, Omsk districts of the Tobolsk province. In the first half of the 19th century among peasants there were owners of herds in 100-150 horses, 200-300 heads of a cattle. In the Ishim and Kurgan districts in farms of the richest peasants on average 40 cows, 50-70 horses were the share of revizsky soul. In rich farms the cattle breeding had the expressed commodity character. Slaughter of an issue of cattle and sheep in some farms of tarsky peasants reached 200 and more heads a year [Gromyko, 1975, page 69-70]. S. Turbin in the 70th of the 19th century noted that any province of the European Russia, "not excepting areas of army of Donskoy, by quantity of a livestock cannot be comparable with Tobolsk" [Turbin, 1871, page 51]. In XVIII — the first half of the 19th centuries all territory of Southern Siberia turned into the region of the developed country cattle breeding. Some peasants in Mountain Altai contained huge herds. Here at the beginning of the 40th of the 19th century in separate farms there were about 300 and more horses, and in the 60th the prosperous peasants had up to 500 horses, 50-70 heads of a cattle and up to 200 sheep here [Minenko, 1991, page 121; Mamsik, 1989, page 103]. Peasants had less cattle in taiga areas. In the Turin, Tobolsk, Verkhoturye Counties of the Tobolsk province in sources it is said about cattle breeding that it is "poor" [the Peasantry..., 1982, page 200-201]. However it is "scarcity" to the Siberian measures. So, in the Turin County at the beginning of the 18th century in the country yards there were about 10, 12, 17 horses, 10 and more cows, up to 20 sheep. On average the family totaling more than three adult men held not less than three horses [Minenko, 1991, page 119].

In literature data on the general sizes of country cattle breeding on certain large areas of Western Siberia during the considered period meet. So, I. Zavalishin, based on governor's reports, counted at the Russian population of the Tomsk province in 1861 1,963,912 beasts, from them: horses — 625,492; cattle — 585,073; sheep — 577,408; pigs — 158,133; goats — 19,798 [Zavalishin, 1865, page 21]. In 1851 only at assigned peasants of Altai 2,775,216 heads of horses and 249,076 heads of a cattle [Mi - are considered

not N'ko, 1991, page 121]. N. Abramov in the 50th of the 19th century counted in Berezovsky edge: 800 sheep, up to 200 pigs, up to 6000 horses and 300 cows [Abramov, 1858, page 443].

Described achievements of the West Siberian cattle breeding in fact, apparently, even more impressive as peasants, fairly being afraid of strengthening of tax burden were higher, seldom reported authentic data on the sizes of the economy.

In interaction of cattle breeding with the environment there were farmlands of two types — a pasture (pastures) and haymakings. The pasture of the cattle was carried out on grounds of meadow type. But also the most valued were distinguished from meadow pastures in the fodder relation, so, being exposed to especially intensive operation — first of all it is inundated meadows. They make the main group of natural boundaries of inundated type where it is necessary to carry both natural boundaries of the inundated woods, and low swamps, and the lakes of Staritsa [Milov, 1973, page 67]. There were also forest a pasture, edges extended mainly in a forest strip. The cattle pasture in the forest led to degradation of the sites serving as pastures, and in case of their intensive use — to total disappearance of the wood after a while. And it is necessary to consider that cows and horses harm the wood in considerable smaller degree, than sheep, pigs and goats [Petrov, 1985, page 66-74]. (Already at Peter I this circumstance was the cause for the special decree to which for preservation of subgrowth in forests the pasture of goats and pigs was forbidden [Semenova-Tyan-Shanskaya, page 129].) By the way, the most part of herd at peasants of Western Siberia consisted of horses and cows, held sheep less, cultivation of pigs and goats was absolutely insignificant [the Peasantry..., page 201-202].

In Siberia the cattle was grazed on public pastures — the poskotina making from 1 to 6 versts in length and almost as much in width. This site was fenced with poles or a wattle fence [Minenko, 1991, page 134]. As old residents remember, on the village to the poskotena conducted special fences ("ulisa"). It is clear, that on public pasture the specific degradation of grass vegetation took place very intensively. I. Levitov at the beginning of the 90th of the 20th century tracked evolution of the lands used as pastures for the cattle: "... I saw that under the firm continent the layer of the chernozem earth in depth arshin lies. I here never saw the real chernozem (The Tyumen County. — S.T.)... This earth served as pasture, then as a meadow in days of old, at last, the grass ceased to be born, owing to strong consolidation of a dernina, and the place it grew with a bush..." [Levitov, 1893, page 44]. When the grass "ceased to be born", under a poskotina the new site was allocated, but the freed earth could be used under highly productive arable grounds.

Other type of agricultural grounds are mowings. In Western Siberia, mowings meadow, dubravny (forest) and marsh differed. In Mountain Altai nakashivala hay on the Alpine meadows. Here "on proteins" there were especially good mowings. Unequal security of peasants with haying grounds is noted: in old populated areas them was less, than in those which continued to accustom [Vlasova, 1979, page 49-50]. Insignificant degree of an okulturennost of the landscape systems occupied on the mowings eve is recorded. Peasants of Western Siberia did not use any methods of improvement of mowings. For example, in Shadrinsk, Dal-matovsky and other Counties of Trans-Ural region this "an important part of economy — A. Tretyakov writes — remains in oblivion and hitherto, without any attention". [Tretyakov, 1852, page 209]. Therefore when mowing there were difficulties. The braid humpback salmon and a Lithuanian braid were the main tools of mowing, but the last often was not used as "roughnesses of haymakings of that did not allow", "grass hummocks and the mole heaps" in general complicated haymaking works [In the same place, page 211]. In the 50th of the 19th century the passivity of peasants of the Tyumen County in improvement of haying grounds was noted by F. Buzolin: "Clarifications and floods of meadows, an obsusheniye of swamps and pady do not know here; about a travoseyaniye do not know though suffer an oshchutitelny lack of hay after dry summer..." [SLANG. River 61. Op. 1. 9. L. 3]. Situation did not improve and is considerable later. So, in the 90th of the 19th century. I. Levitov complained that in the Tyumen County have no idea of care for haying grounds [Levitov, 1893, page 45]. Perhaps, the only way of improvement of haymakings were "pala" — burning of last year's "rags" (grass). This reception though was rather effective, but often turned into accident: tens of thousands of tithes of the wood were destroyed, settlements burned, on fire people and animals perished [Tours, 1994, page 81-92].

Hay preparation sometimes led to absolutely unexpected environmental impacts. In Mountain Altai the species of a rodent, known as "creeper" or "senostavka" is found. These small animals prepare hay for the winter, putting it in impressive stozhka. Stock

Sena on 1 of grounds in some natural boundaries can reach 10 tons [Sabansky, 1988, page 22-24]. Peasants remorselessly abducted these stocks, reducing thus a livestock of animals [Pal-las, 1786, page 295-296; Spassky, 1818, page 63].

Hay was prepared in a huge number. For stall keeping of a horse 25 shocks were required, to a cow — 15, a sheep — 10 therefore quite often in separate farms put 1000 and more haycocks. For example, only in the Legostayevsky volost in 1818 356,045 shocks were prepared [Minenko, 1991, page 145]. Data on the measurements executed by land surveyors of two districts of the Tobolsk province in the 20th of the 19th century allow to judge not only total area, but also indicate a ratio of grounds (an arable land — a haymaking). So, at this time in the Yalutorovsk district was registered: "the pashenny earth" — 422,133 des., "mowings" — 210,638 des.; in the Tyumen district: "the pashenny earth" — 115,481 des., "hay mowings" — 68,349 des. [RGIA. T. 1264. Op. 1. 486. L. 22 about., 23]. Thus, in the southern strip of the region the mowings occupied approximately twice the smaller space, than an arable land. Already mentioned I. Zavalishin provides data on the sizes of pastoral grounds (pasture, a haymaking) at the Russian population of the Narymsky County in 1861 — 5150 sq. versts that exceeds the area of a narymsky arable land by 10 times [Fill up - tires, 1865, page 80].

N.A. Minenko's researches in many respects cleared one of the most tangled questions of the Siberian agrarian history which, by the way, tormented local administration in the 17th century: why the Siberian peasants, despite a huge number of the cattle, extremely reluctantly applied a navozoudobreniye? Unavozhivaniye did not take root, contrary to efforts of local voivodes "to give a taste" for him peasants. First of all N.A. Minenko absolutely fairly transfers to Western Siberia the conclusion drawn by V.N. Sherstoboyev for the Ilim region that the Russian farmer came to Siberia, armed with skills of trekhpolny economy. However, as N.A. Minenko writes further, peasants learned from practice that it is impossible to maintain by introduction of manure at the necessary level fertility of soils for this reason they passed to practice of throwing lands for time necessary for recovery of fertility. "Experience showed to rural toilers that on the dunged chernozems bread is hammered by weeds, and in areas with low temperatures of the soil manure badly rotted through" [Minenko, 1991, page 88-102].

However the Siberian administration, and after it and kulturtragers ("the advanced people") of the 60th of the 19th century continued to try to obtain from the Siberian man of a navozoudobreniye in field husbandry at any cost. The difference was only that officials did it of career reasons, and "the advanced people" "educated" the "dark" people. The last, by the way, received from the "dark" Siberian man "in acknowledgement" a capacious and unambiguous nickname — "earth-boring dung beetles" [the Russian..., 1892, page 154]. The piquancy of a situation was also that in practice "cultural owners" often were trapped. So, I. Levitov trying to be engaged in agriculture on "the scientific beginnings" in the 90th of the 19th century in the Tyumen County writes the following: "As for the spring-sown pashenny field... All field, except for only that strip on which it was necessary on one cart of manure on each square sazhen was remarkable; the strip which is strongly fertilized burned out..." [Levitov, 1893, page 47].

To the level of understanding by the Siberian "dark" man of ecological realities of edge the science begins to be tightened only by 80th of the 19th century. The break was made by V.V. Dokuchayev: "In the huge majority of cases the Siberian chernozem has obvious (genetic) communication with soils undoubtedly marsh, solonetzic and lake; thereof also the steppe chernozem quite often gains unprofitable features of soils nonchernozem. The Siberian chernozem far does not represent such continuous areas as the chernozem European... sites of the real steppe chernozem, fruitless sands and solonetzic soils, and it is equal both marsh and lake deposits continuously alternate among themselves, representing infinite transitions..." [Dokuchayev, 1882, page 12]. During the modern researches Dokuchayev's conclusions were confirmed and concretized. So, "the reduced power" of the Siberian chernozems (in comparison with the European) and "yazykovatost" (heterogeneity) of their humus horizons is as showed researches of the Omsk school of soil scientists, characteristic local (provincial) feature of steppe soils of Western Siberia [Gradoboyev, Prudnikova, Smetanin, 1960, page 32-48]. The complex mosaic structure of a soil cover characteristic of steppe and forest-steppe zones of the West Siberian plain, even more becomes complicated in the north. Podsolic soils, widespread in a taiga strip, are variously combined with marsh and diverse transitional boggy formations. And soils of both the South, and the North of the West Siberian Plain are absolutely other than soils of the same zones of the European Russia. For example, in the southern part tayezh-

ache strips special cespitose and podsolic osolodely soils are widespread, the analog which in the European part of the country is not present [Gorshenin, 1955].

Thus, only to the middle of the expiring century the understanding that soil climatic conditions of Western Siberia are very specific came to science. There is more continental climate, than in the European part of Russia, shorter vegetative period, summer droughts and frosty low-snow winters during which soils strongly and deeply freeze through are quite frequent. The Siberian soils considerably differ from soils of the European part of the country on structure. Besides, in Western Siberia there are no big massifs of a uniform soil layer: the Siberian soils are extremely mosaic. From here it is not difficult to draw a conclusion on impossibility of application in Western Siberia of uniform agrotechnical tactics any more.

The Siberian peasants, it is necessary to notice, drew all above-designated conclusions much earlier. They understood soils perfectly: in national agrology dozens of types and subspecies of soils were known. In the 90th of the 19th century in the Barabinsk lesostep the peasants distinguished three views only of chernozems: "black grivka", "friable grivka", "vulgar earth"; nine types of loams: "sandy grivka", "sukholitsevaty Glinka", "butcher", "krasnik", "серик", "baby seal", "three-layer earth", "gorokhovnik", "grivny Byelik" [Filimonov, 1892, page 13]. For each type of the soil there was the system of processing: "In dry time dark loam can be plowed still, and gray — by no means: "the plow does not go and where goes, leaves such glyza that their harrow is not able to break". Therefore gray podsolic loam can be plowed only after a rain as in a day or two after the last it "slabnt", "becomes soft", available to a plow... Dark average loam needs only three rains for a good harvest, gray podsolic loam requires, at least, five rains which dropped out thus in time. It is necessary to tell about gray podsolic loam that he loves "tasty years" because he here "the more wets, the better will give rise". At the same time the resort from abundance of rains never happens that sometimes happens to local chernozems" [In the same place, page 101]. "The soil is called "se-riky with Byelik", estimate as the second grade. The place is covered with a birch forest. The greatest harvest on this soil is yielded by oats and a rye, and mainly in wet rainy years. The winter rye often rots away, sow more yaritsa. With rains it is moistened hardly, dries badly" [Skalozubov, 1895a, page 26]. "In years when waters of Irtysh flood fields, on its coast in convenient locations where the current is quiet, silt is deposited. It is the richest soil yielding very big crops without fertilizer. Sow on Ils barley — whenever possible rare crops as bread strongly clusters. Straw grows high, an ear large, without lashes (awns) whereas on high arable lands barley moustached; under weight of grain the ear always inclines. Divide this earth between householders after each flood again because both its borders, and space, and the location change every time" [In the same place, page 9].

Peasants also understood that soils Siberian "yazykovata" (are mosaic). In Barab the peasants tried to discover and mastered so-called "columns" of the chernozem: "The size of these "columns" is anywhere and everywhere very insignificant, namely: fluctuates from 1/2 to 1 tithes.... It should be noted that not each height has "chernozem columns" but only only some of them" [Filimonov, 1892, page 101].

It is necessary only to regret that the national agrology began to interest seriously researchers only at the end of the 19th century. Meanwhile is not subject to doubt that the main case of this empirical knowledge developed much earlier.

The following observation made in the first half of the 19th century is explained by mosaicity of the Siberian soils and fitness to this natural phenomenon of the Siberian field husbandry: "At us here, among steam, you will see one or two tithes under a mowing, wheat, oats or steam rag surrounded with a field; here to a dress a part of a mowing, a part of the woodcutter fenced for keeping of working horses, or that the same, a redka" [Tretyakov, 1852, page 204].

Also soil climatic conditions of certain provinces of edge were considered in field husbandry. As N.A. Minenko notes, the lack of overregulation in ways of maintaining field economy was characteristic feature of the West Siberian field husbandry, at least in the first half of the 19th century: "Arable lands at one settlement are not divided into fields, and the system of their processing cannot be carried neither to trekhpolny, nor to other any correct economy, and peasants on all space of the lands consisting in their boundless use, in different places choose the lands, best and comfortable to cultivation" — the officials of the Ministry of the state imushchestvo inspecting Western Siberia in the 40th of the 19th century noted [Minenko, 1991, page 85]. In half-century A. Kauffman as follows okharakte-

rizovat the West Siberian agriculture: "And in ordinary life, and in literature constantly it is necessary to meet reasonings on "the Siberian climate", on "the Siberian peasant", on "the Siberian economy", etc.; meanwhile both the Siberian economy, and the Siberian peasant represented dozens of the types also poorly similar among themselves as owners of the Arkhangelsk and ekaterino-slavsky province, as the peasant of the St. Petersburg country village, Vyatka trade village and Samara chernozem settlement" [Kauffman, 1893, page 137-138].

Only in the 50th of the 19th century the systematic studying a question of a possibility of a navo-zoudobreniye in the West Siberian field husbandry begins. Need of the differentiated manure fertilizer for the most corpulent chernozems of Altai became clear, for example, [Western..., 1965, page 177]. One of the most widespread types of soils in a lesostepya of Western Siberia are various solonetzic soils. Introduction of manure improves them. However solonetzic soils form the most difficult mosaic complexes, and each element of a complex occupies the small space: "Naturally, there are questions of a dosage of fertilizers concerning each such element" [In the same place, page 176].

Peasants of Western Siberia this and other "questions" connected with a navozoudobreniye in field husbandry began to resolve in the 18th century. By the end of the 18th century of the earth were fertilized in places in the Tobolsk, Tyumen, Yalutorovsk, Turin and Tarsky Counties, by 40th of the 19th century — and in the Tomsk province, in volosts Ket, Parabelsky and parts Nikolaev. To the middle of the 19th century arable land fertilizer was approved by manure in the Narymsky region [Minenko, 1991, page 88]. Peasants extremely circumspectly and differentially approached a navozoudobreniye: "The amount of fertilizer (the observer in the 40th of the 19th century — S.T. writes) depends on quality of the soil, bigger or smaller degree of its exhaustion and a sort of bread which is supposed to be sowed" [In the same place, page 100]. As N.A. Minenko notes, use of manure fertilizer increased over time, but was not too noticeable [In the same place, page 97].

Rates of gain of the fertilized arable wedge in the region increase in the second half of the 19th century. To the above-mentioned districts where the navozoudobreniye already in the first half of the 19th century was applied, increase Kurgan and Ishim. It allowed A. Kauffman to characterize all northern strip of the Tobolsk province as a zone of "domination of manure economy" [Kauffman, 1893, page 142, 153] and can speak only one — the changed demographic situation in the region. Otherwise it is absolutely impossible to understand why the peasants not inclined to any sharp changes in ways of housekeeping overcame difficulties of pochvennoklimatichesky conditions and tried to obtain expansion of the dunged arable wedge. While existence within a habitual agrotechnology was possible, manure fertilizer and other innovations did not practice. In the middle of the 19th century this regularity was noticed by K. Mozel: "... evasion of peasants from any innovations should be attributed not so much them to attachment by old times, how many that clover in which they live..." [Moselle, 1864, page 32]. A. Kauffman saw the only reason of slow distribution of a navozoudobreniye (about the difficulties connected with specifics of the Siberian soils, he was poorly informed) only that "... where there is still an opportunity to exist somehow at old economic regimes, there... and those peasants who tried fertilizer at any valid or imaginary failure decide that the earth "does not accept to manure", and come back to zalezhny economy" [Kauffman, 1893, page 153].

It is symptomatic that in the areas determined by A. Kauffman as areas of "domination of manure economy": "entirely the Turin, Tobolsk and Tyumen districts and the outskirts adjoining the last two districts Yalutorovsk, Ishim and especially Tarsky" — in the same time, at the end of the 19th century, took place and other agrotechnical innovations [In the same place]. Exactly here at the initiative of peasants the process of replacement of arable tools by the new advanced models allowing to intensify substantially field husbandry went high rates. This innovation not least was defined by the developing demographic situation — relative agrarian overpopulation [Polovinkin, Surinov, 1995].

Thus, originally Russian farmers came to Western Siberia, having skills of maintaining trekhpolny economy. Having faced specific pochvennoklimatichesky conditions of edge, they were forced to pass to practice of throwing lands for time necessary for recovery of their fertility (zalezhno-steam system). In process of accumulation of field experience and knowledge of local soil climatic conditions, under pressure of continuous increase in population in old populated areas in the 18th century

transition to a navozoudobreniye begins. However up to the first half of the 19th century it took root slowly. The main deterrent, apparently, was existence in edge of huge fund of free virgin lands and, as a result, the peculiar economic behavior which was in time to develop by this time — "incomplete agricultural settled life". The beginning of resettlement of peasants from the European part of the country after reform of 1861 was an incitement to an intensification of introduction of a navozoudobreniye. By 90th of the 19th century in Western Siberia there was an area of "domination of manure fertilizer" — it were areas of initial settling of Siberia by Russians. Here by this time were well studied by peasants of the soil and climate and earlier, than in other areas, signs of relative agrarian overpopulation were shown.

Due to the described circumstances during the considered period in the region the navozoudaleniye problem which became aggravated in proportion to growth of achievements of the Siberian cattle breeding was particularly acute. How serious character it had, shows, for example, the fact that in

XVIII — the beginning of the 19th centuries peasants, "ogruzivshis manure", were forced to move the settlements to new places. Right at the beginning wrote A. Kotzebue about it 19th century: "As peasants from laziness will not take beforehand collected manure, there are they often in truly ridiculous difficulty. The outdoor adviser Peterson on the position traveling daily over all villages for reliable told me that he arrived once to the village where peasants fussed, breaking the yards for transition to other place because it seemed to them to bring the yards much easier, than manure mountains surrounding them" [Zinner, 1968, page 241]. Similar practice was observed in the 1820th by A.M. Kornilov and described as the usual and often repeating phenomenon [1828, page 49-50].

Tried to get rid of manure in the most various ways, even used it as construction material — at alignment of rural streets, a construction of congresses to the rivers and river dams [Bochanova, 1985, page 144]. Kondinsky old residents told us that else at the beginning of the current century manure coast of so-called "rural small rivers" — channels from the main bed of the Konda River on which actually and settlements were under construction became stronger. A. Tretyakov noted that peasants of the Shadrinsk County dumped manure on the coast of the small river as they told, "for consolidation" it "against vernal breaks" [Tretyakov, 1852, page 204]. I.Ya. Slovtsov at the beginning of the 90th of last century observed how peasants on the Tavda River suited fishing "lock", for it they filled a dam with brushwood and manure [Slovtsov, 1892, page 16]. In the 80th of the 19th century the peasants of the southern volosts of the Yalutorovsk County tried to stop the sands which were moving ahead on their fields and settlements by means of manure. The manure which is taken out on sands quickly grew with weeds, advance of sands slowed down [Skalozubov, 1895b]. S.K. Patkanov at the end of the last century described curious practice of rise for the purpose of an obsusheniye of sites on which farmyards were located: "In the fishing area to which belongs... The Samarovsky volost and many ostyatsky volosts lying across Irtysh, Konda and Demyanka, farmyards are located more or less far from houses... At location of farmyards far from houses, this circumstance has no inconveniences, on the contrary, at the big sizes them and at arrangement about a side with other farmyards, manure is deposited rather slowly and evenly, promoting the eminence and drainage of all place occupied by them" [Patkanov, 1891, page 124]. Similar practice, apparently, took place, at least, in the 20th of the 19th century. So, V.N. Shavrov wrote about the Russian monks of Birch edge that at rare of them hleva stood in a fencing of the house or is close to it [Shavrov, 1871, page 1-2].

But the most "effective" way of removal of manure there was its dumping in reservoirs. The difference between a forest strip and lesostepy in this regard was only that in the north manure was "trusted" more often flowing waters, and in the south, owing to insufficiency of the last — to lakes on which coast here settlements often were located. O. Finsh wrote that in the lower Irtysh Current of a hleva are under construction peasants regarding the floodplain flooded by a spring high water [the Travel..., 1882, page 552]. It is echoed by H. Loparev: "It is necessary to notice that all prirechny village edge (the village of Samarovo of the Tobolsk County. — S.T.) is built up with sheds and farmyards which during floods are entirely flooded". H. Loparev's certificate shows most clearly that the similar arrangement for the cattle accidental was not: "From above is these sheds, positively around all village, hay" is put in stacks, that is if the dry place was necessary, it was [Loparev, 1896, page 89]. In a lesostepya where the small rivers could not lift all manure which is saved up during the winter on the estate during a flood the peasants "came to the rescue of the small river": "In villages near the rivers do "hleva" and cattle shelters and in winter ustrai-

"vodyanik" howl, i.e. enclose a part of the river with an ice-hole easy, for one winter, a fence adjoining the shelter and connecting to it vorotets (The Shadrinsk County, 1849 — S.T.) & #34; [Zelenin, 1916, page 1039]. In the same Shadrinsk district, according to V. Sokolov's remark, in the middle of the 19th century in settlements of peasants there was no plan, each owner aspired only that his yard was as it is possible closer to the river or the lake [In the same place, page 1043]. The Verkhoturye old residents told the author of this article that they at the end of the last century of a hleva for the cattle often were under construction on the bank of the Tura River. They were high, a powerful timbered floor in such constructions did not fasten to walls. In the period of a spring flood it turned into a peculiar raft and rose on water together with the cattle. The described design saved peasants from need to look for other placement for the high water period for the cattle, besides, the shed and the estate were cleaned from the manure which is saved up during the winter.

In the south of the region common and universal was practice of dumping of manure to lakes. Under the eloquent certificate of I.Ya. Slovtsov, near the village of Nikolskoy (Akmola region) "the first in all Bitter line lake" lay, but also this circumstance did not prevent local "Cossack old residents" "to dung" constantly it [Slovtsov, 1881, page 7]. And in the Orenburg lesostep adjoining West Siberian the local Cossacks called the "dirty-brown krupnokhlopchaty weight" covering a bottom of many lakes "manure" [Alenitsin, 1873, page 30] — association on similarity rather transparent. K.S. Voronov wrote in the first half of the 60th

XIX century that peasants in Barab "are inclined to get away manure and other garbage to lakes", and not always in this regard acted absolutely imprudently. So, residents of the village of Ustyantsevo got away manure and garbage to the bitter and salty lake which was near the settlement. The village stood on the coast of other, fresh lake. But most often the location of the settlement did not allow suit a dump from a reservoir, specially allotted for this purpose, therefore manure and garbage got directly to that lake on the bank of which there was a village or the village [Ravens, 1865, page 6].

It is clear, that the described practice of a navozoudaleniye had the investigation insanitary conditions. It at the beginning of the 19th century was noticed by A.M. Kornilov, describing benefits of broad use of navozo-fertilizer in the West Siberian field husbandry: "First, farmers would get rid of the settlements of manure heaps brought from the yards on proximity, from them at the hot time coming after rains dense stinking fogs are generated, and air becomes is so harmful that inhabitants, leaving dwellings, are forced to move" [1828, page 50]. K.S. Voronov as the doctor with full confidence said that" the West Siberian navozoudaleniye" leads to aggravation of an epidemiological situation in the region [Ravens, 1865, page 7].


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Lang Rodger
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