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Category: History

Revolutionary: Life and Boris Savinkov's death



ANTIBOLSHEVISTSKAYA RUSSIA

G. Ioffe

REVOLUTIONARY LIFE AND BORIS SAVINKOV'S DEATH *

Between democracy and white

Defeat of the Upper Volga revolt did not stop Savinkov. In Kazan existed large organizations SZRIS, and he planned to make the way to Kazan now to prepare an anti-Bolshevist revolt there. At first, however, decided to go to Petrograd, "to correct" there necessary documents, and then under their cover will move to Volga. False documents prepared in the Petrograd office SZRIS, and Savinkov with the close friend A. Dikgof-Derental went to a distant travel: in 1918 it was not so easy to reach Kazan.

Passing difficulties and dangers, Savinkov and Dikgof-Derental approached the purpose of the travel - Kazan, without knowing that at the beginning of August it was taken by the troops of National army Komucha acting together with Czechoslovaks. Great success of opponents of Bolsheviks was an ego. Here, to Kazan, even in the spring of 1918, being afraid of capture by his Germans, Bolsheviks transported the Russian gold reserves. On the opposite coast of Volga there was a city of Sviyazhsk and in case of capture his Komuchem and Czechs the road to the center of Russia, to Bolshevist Moscow actually opened. The small group of the colonel of la was already transported to V. Kappa through Volga and worked in backs red.

In Kazan Savinkov learned that else to him there arrived many members of the administrative board SZRIS here. There were already a general Rychkov, the colonel Perkhu-rov and others. SZRIS it was created as the political organization promoting any government which will begin to express not party, but national interests. But Komuch was just party and besides actually one-party government. Both the head of the government V. Volsky and all ministers (except for one Menshevik) were the right Social Revolutionaries. From this point of view SZRIS and personally Savinkov who broke up with Social Revolutionaries after a kornilovshchina would should not submit to Komuchu. But the policy was dictated by reality. And in fact all Volzhsky the protivobolynevistsky front (from Syzran to Kazan) was controlled Komuchy. Other government was not here. Considering

* Continuation. The beginning in No. 1 (19) and 2 (20) for 2009

this circumstance, Savinkov made the decision to dismiss SZRIS. His former members joined komuchevsky National army or in ranks of Czechoslovak troops. Did not make exceptions and Savinkov. He was enlisted by the volunteer in the cavalry group of the colonel Kappel operating on the right coast of Volga. The task of group included destruction of lines of communication red: it blew up railway tracks, cut cable columns, conducted battles with the small Bolshevist parts which were found on its way.

But Kappel's raids on backs red were, perhaps, the greatest success of National army on the Volga front. Red command understood that further advance of komuchevets threatens the Soviet Republic with incalculable troubles. Therefore it drew up more and more large forces almost incommensurable to parts of National army here. And the fate of Kazan was decided. On September 10 it fell: the city was entered by red troops. And after Kazan Simbirsk, Samara and Sazran fell. The Volga front was actually liquidated.

Also Savinkov left Kazan to South Ural. On horses it passed to Bugulma, and from there - to Ufa.

Savinkov not accidentally made the way to Ufa. As a result of a Czechoslovak mutiny and performances of anti-Bolshevist forces Russia broke up. In Moscow the Bolshevist government of Lenin which controlled the territory approximately to Volga worked. In Samara - so-called Committee of members of the Constituent assembly (Komuch) led by the Social Revolutionary V. Volsky; in Omsk - the Provisional Siberian government led by the semi-cadet semi-Social Revolutionary P. Vologodsky. There were also "smaller" governments, for example, the Provisional regional Ural government, the Supreme management of Northern area, the Cossack governments, etc. Newspapers scoffed. The author of one of feuilletons wrote: "There will also be a government in Omsk, Tomsk, Krasnoyarsk, Chita, Tatarsk, on Perevoznaya Street; 27 of the governments and all temporary... How to talk to them? On "a white game" will not do without "the white general"... At first dictator. Then we will get used, little by little, gradually, by easy stages and Mikhail Romanov to be... To self-government we are no good, and for management quite ripened".

However only Komuch and the Siberian government applied for the All-Russian power. Between them there was a fight. Eserovsky Komuch proclaimed himself the fighter for postfebruary democratic achievements; The Provisional Siberian government gravitated to the right, rejected many of these gains as destructive; behind his back supporters of military dictatorship and even monarchic restoration united. The Komuchevsky and Siberian authorities established the customs, requisitioned the cargoes going to the Volga region or Siberia; banks and mail in Samara and Omsk refused to pay mutual assignovka and the translations, considered representatives of each other nearly as foreign ambassadors. The decisive word often belonged to "field commanders" - to Czechs and "ours".

However need of fight against Moscow, pressure of the Antanta allies confused and who were not knowing on kosh to them to stake, pushed Samara and Omsk to rapprochement. In July, and then in August two working meetings in Chelyabinsk took place; on the second it was decided to convene in September in Ufa the State meeting of representatives of various regional governments, political parties and organizations. The purpose - creation of the temporary All-Russian power.

And here Ufa on September 8, 1918. Crowds of soldiers and officers wander about streets, they fill tea, taverns, restaurants, drink and often behave outrageously. The disorder and desolation reign. "The Siberian hotel" where there was the State meeting, is surrounded by the strengthened military guard. To a meeting there arrived about 150 delegates. The tone was set by delegates of Komucha and the Provisional Siberian government. Delegations of other governments (mainly Cossack and national) as one of participants wrote, were only the satellites rotating in an orbit of these two "stars".

The meeting was opened by "the grandmother of the Russian revolution" an eserka E. Bresh-co-Breshkovskaya. But she was only "the wedding general". The phrasemonger and the fan of jokes right Social Revolutionary N. Avksentyev - the former Minister of Internal Affairs was the most visible political figure at Kerensky. He was elected the chairman. Further there were figures of smaller caliber. Avksentyev's deputies became (from Komucha) the right Social Revolutionary E. Roshv-sky who was the city's mayor of Petrograd at Kerensky; from the Provisional Siberian government - I. Mikhaylov for the adventurous bents nicknamed in Omsk "Cain Vanka", "the bandit with the face of an angel".

Avksentyev asked to swear in the pathetic speech a meeting "great to an annibalov an oath not to leave Ufa, without having constructed the uniform Russian statehood headed by the uniform Russian government".

On behalf of Komucha the declaration was read by V. Volsky. She proclaimed the principle of continuity of the power. The constituent assembly was democratically elected in November-December, 1917, illegally closed by Bolsheviks and, therefore, has to be restored in the rights now. Before its new convocation the temporary power in Russia is delegated to Committee of members of the Constituent assembly.

The declaration of the Provisional Siberian government was read by I. Serebrennikov. In it it was offered to create the new temporary All-Russian power in the form of Directoriya from 5 members. She has to be responsible before "future authority of the correct will of the people". The idea of the Constituent assembly was rejected.

Were read the declaration and other delegations, but they, in effect, repeated offers of Komucha or Temporary Siberian the governor -

stvo. The meaning of offers was clear: each of the parties sought to strengthen own positions in anticipation of overthrow of Bolsheviks. Personal ambitions prevailed over the general interest. As one of participants wrote, an impression that "not the Russian people, but people others and hostile each other gathered, forced by force of circumstances to agree and make a compromise was made".

And the military fate meanwhile turned away from National army To - tormenting also the Siberian army of the Provisional Siberian government. The Red Army approached Samara, threatened also Ufa. It was necessary to hurry. On September 23 the Ufa state meeting completed the work. The compromise solution made after almost two-week meetings tried to unite contradictory opinions. The Provisional All-Russian government - Directoriya - as a part of five people personally elected at the State meeting was created and before anybody not responsible till January 1, 1919 when the Constituent assembly dismissed by Bolsheviks is called. If to this term it is not possible to bring together 250 of his members, the time of convocation of the Constituent assembly is postponed for a month, and by February 1, 1919 it will be considered as authorized as a part of 170 members. Then Directoriya will put before him the power. The right Social Revolutionary N. Avksentyev, the general V. Boldyrev, close to the right Social Revolutionaries, who was drawn towards cadets P. Vologodsky, the national socialist N. Tchaikovsky and the cadet N. Astrov were elected as Directoriya's member. As some of the elite in Ufa were absent, temporarily entered their deputies into Directoriya - V. Vinogradova, V. Sapozhnikava, V. Zenzinova.

The main objectives Directoriya announced fight for overthrow of the Bolshevist power, restoration of democratic regime, cancellation of the separate Brest peace and continuation of war against Germany together with allies to the bitter end. At a final meeting Avksentyev said that D irektoriya will firmly go on the planned way, without stopping before any difficulties. As subsequently some participants of the Ufa meeting remembered, at that moment he "extremely resembled Kerensky when the last spoke at the Moscow State meeting".

In anti-Bolshevist political circles of Russia the results of the Ufa State meeting were apprehended differently. The right Social Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and relatives to them considered that Social Revolutionaries "proufit", gave in to reactionaries, those who supported the Provisional Siberian government. On the contrary, some cadet leaders tended to consider that Ufa is a capitulation, "socialist Kanossa", revival of "not buried corpse" - kerenshchina. Among right, however, there was an opinion that should be waited until Directoriya "puts Russia in order", and then to remove it. Nevertheless, as over D irektoriya the fidelity flag to the Constituent assembly - a dream of all Russian democracy fluttered - Ufa should be considered let shaky, but nevertheless pobe-

that. The leader of Social Revolutionaries V. Chernov wrote in the memoirs subsequently: "Directoriya was for uchredilovets the last attempt to save business of democracy..."

Alas, attempt unsuccessful. The Red Army at the end of summer-fall of 1918 gained one victory for another, and D irektoriya from Ufa moved to Omsk. In Ufa knew that in Omsk there was "fiddle while Rome burns". V. Chernov wrote in the memoirs: "Here speculators, alternately with speculators political, bandits simply and bandits official, eager for money and ranks swarmed... Here "the Mexican customs" reigned, here inconvenient people disappeared in broad daylight..." Avksentyev was warned that in Omsk Directoriya "will put the head in a wolf mouth"; he said that he knows it, but hopes that "a wolf to choke". On October 14 Directoriya arrived in Omsk. For her did not even prepare rooms, and she accommodated in cars not to a branch line. In Omsk angrily joked: "Government on a branch".

In Omsk the Provisional Siberian government almost in full strength became "the working device" of Directoriya, and already one it put it into dependence on those right moods which prevailed in Omsk. Seeking to take a centrist position, to rise "over parties", Directoriya practically conducted a certain "intermediate", "average" course. Subsequently it it became inconsistent, sluggish, pushing away both right, and left. The Minister of Foreign Affairs Directoriya Yu. Klyuchnikov wrote later: "In the sense of the current administrative and organizational work Directoriya's members had empty tables".

It is possible that, aspiring to Ufa after falling of Kazan, Savinkov expected that in the government created here and to it there will be a place respective its political to experience and knowledge. But it did not happen. Savinkov's figure, probably, was represented too odious for local - Volga and Siberian - the politicians making "the game" in east regions of the country. Nevertheless, the head Directoriya N. Avksentyev in Ufa decided to use Savinkov as the diplomat. Also appointed the head of military mission of Directoriya in France.

Savinkov left to Europe through the Far East, China, etc., but so far reached Paris, in Russia and in Europe there were big changes.

Prediction to Avksentyev that moving to Omsk Directoriya "puts the head in a mouth to a wolf", came true. On November 18, 1918 promonarkhichesk the adjusted officers and officials from an environment of the Minister of War of the Siberian government vice admiral A. Kolchak overthrew Directoriya, arrested and sent "directors". At a meeting of the Government Kolchak made in full admirals was "elected" the Supreme governor, actually the dictator of Russia.

And in a week before World War I ended with capitulation of Germany. In Paris (in Versailles) the peace conference of winners - the Entente countries opened. Its participants, representatives of England, France, the USA, Italy and Japan, voluntarily and to a discretion remade the world.

Russia, of course, was not presented at the Versailles conference. Yes it as the former uniform power did not exist. It was "broken off" by Civil war, in its territory there were several governments, and two of them applied for the status of All-Russian. The first - the Bolshevist government led by Lenin which was in Moscow. The second - the government of the Supreme governor Kolchak with the capital in the Siberian Omsk.

The Versailles conference Lenin's government, naturally, did not recognize: it was not considered lawful, besides it signing of the separate Brest peace "foully" dropped out of the war with Germany. Bolshevist representatives in Versailles were absent.

Officially, de jure, also the government of Directoriya, and then and Kolchak was not recognized though this issue was constantly discussed and it was close to the positive decision, the truth to lateness: Kolchak suffered a defeat.

Nevertheless, the Versailles conference agreed to stay "at itself" so-called Russian political delegation which task included statement of territorial and other interests of "white Russia". The former prime minister of Provisional government prince G. Lviv, the former royal Minister of Foreign Affairs S. Sazonov, the former ambassador of Provisional government in France V. Maklakov and others were its part. Also Savinkov who was in Paris as the head of the military mission appointed still by the Omsk Directoriya entered it. As the member of the Russian political delegation he developed vigorous activity. With its active participation the Constitutions of the Russian State project, however, was prepared not all members of Delegation treated the project with attention.

Participants of the Versailles conference considered the Russian political delegation mainly as the organization of information character. The interests of Russia at a conference were practically ignored, and with Kolchak's defeat at the end of summer of 1919. The delegation announced the termination of the existence.

White and "green".

National union of protection of the Homeland and Svoboda

1919 ended for the political public of all party directions with consciousness that the Civil war in Russia white is lost. The ego meant that before their numerous representatives abroad really there was a gloomy picture of emigration. She threatened Savinkov the second time. And in this gloomy time, more precisely at the beginning of January, 1920,

he received the letter from the old gymnasia friend Józef Pil-sudsky. But the author of the letter, naturally, already was not a boy who was sharing the same desk with Savinkov in the Warsaw gymnasium at all. The boy grew up. The letter was signed by Pilsudsky holding the top post which was called a little somewhat oddly in Poland: "nachalnikpolsky state". And now this "chief" invited Savinkov to arrive to Warsaw. It was easy to Savinkov to understand the political background of the invitation: began to smell war between Poland and the Soviet republic, in this situation such enemy of the Bolshevism as Savinkov, it appear it near at hand "the chief of the Polish state", it will be necessary. But why war?

From the beginning of World War I the tsarist government declared that after the victory over Germany and Austria-Hungary all Polish lands will be integrated and considerable autonomy as a part of the Russian Empire will be provided to Poland. But during military operations the most part of the "Russian" Poland was occupied by the German and Austro-Hungarian troops. The October revolution with its slogan of the right of the nations for self-determination, naturally, declared also full independence of Poland. At the end of 1918 when Germany capitulated its and Austro-Hungarian troops left Poland, the independence of Poland became a reality. However situation on eastern frontier did not guarantee this independence. Russia was embraced with Civil war. Poland was faced by the choice: to support either white, or red. To support the White movement, on Yudenich, Denikin, Kolchak's party? But they battled against red under the slogan "Russia — Uniform and Indivisible". The Supreme governor Kolchak said that the issue of eastern frontier of Poland will be resolved not by him, and the National Assembly which will open after the victory over Bolsheviks. Poland believed that it is easy to foresee an essence of this decision in advance.

But if independent Poland for obvious reasons did not support white, that forced it to take a hostile stand in relation to red? All Civil war red bore the slogan of the European (world) revolution on the banners. It meant that it has to "set fire" first of all to Germany, but Poland was "bridge" there. Bolshevist revolution to Europe could be brought only if the Red Army passes through the Polish territory. Negotiations on settlement of all territorial disputes which Pilsudsky conducted with the Soviet government did not yield positive results. Being afraid of invasion of the Red Army, Pilsudsky prepared for preventive strike. At the same time it considered that in Poland there is a considerable mass of the Russian soldiers (according to some information - more than 25 thousand) mainly the former prisoners of war, the remains of the broken Yudenich and Denikin's troops (later and Wrangel). They could play an important role in the forthcoming war with Bolsheviks.

Having received Pilsudsky's letter, Savinkov sent to Warsaw one of his closest friends and employees - Aleksandra Dikgof-

Derentalya. He and his wife is Lyubov Efimovna will pass a course of life with Savinkov to his tragic end and at least therefore it is necessary to tell about them in more detail. Alexander Dikgof-Derental in 1903-1905 was connected with Social Revolutionaries, but later, according to him, departed from party. In 1906 emigrated to France (he, by the way, was wanted royal police on the case of murder of the priest Mr. Gapon), long lived in other countries of Europe, since 1908 working as the journalist-correspondent of the Russkiye Vedomosti newspaper. Probably, then approached B. Savinkov who in the French emigration was a correspondent of the Russian newspapers too. Perhaps not without Savinkov's influence, the volunteer joined the French army (as well as Savinkov). Derental returned to Russia in 1917

In 1912 Derental married Lyubov Efremovne Storts. Her mother was a native of Odessa, and the father is French lawyer. Through Lyubov Efremovna Derentalya got acquainted with Savinkov who fell in love with her on what she reciprocated. Savinkov was married twice: the first time - on the daughter of the writer Mr. Uspensky, the second - on the widow of the hung-up fellow terrorist To. Zilberberg1. Proximity of the wife with Savinkov nevertheless Derentalya neither from it, nor from Savinkov did not push away. There was a peculiar life three together. In those days, by the way, such "marriage according to Chernyshevsky" was not such a rarity...

On arrival to Warsaw Derental had to find out from Pilsuds-kogo: he will allow formation of the Russian anti-Bolshevist forces in the Polish territory or not? The answer was affirmative. But the Minister of War Sosnovsky specified that all expenses on formation and keeping of the Russian troops will be enlisted on credit Russia to Poland. Soon and Savinkov with all the "headquarters" appeared in Warsaw.

War began in May, 1920

The Russian military who were in the territory of Poland represented quite significant force. But their situation was politically quite difficult. The general P. Wrangel who managed to reorganize the broken denikinsky army in the Crimea as the commander-in-chief of the Russian army sought to subordinate these troops to himself also found necessary transfer their most part to the Crimea. For Poles such position of Wrangel was unacceptable: they did not wish Wrangel's strengthening as he supported the slogan of "the United and indivisible Russia" that was considered as a certain danger to independent Poland.

Meanwhile, having located in Warsaw, Savinkov created under the presidency so-called Evacuation committee, then renamed into the organization with more corresponding name - the Russian political committee into which except it D. Filosofov, A. Dikgof-Derental, V. Ulyanitsky, D. Odinets, V. Portugalov and others entered.

Summer of 1920. The Russian political committee actively was engaged in formation of parts of the Russian soldiers and officers who were in Poland. In this Russian army had to enter "guerrilla group the" of S. Bulak-Balakhovich who at one time was serving in the Red Army, then who passed to the general Yudenich, and after his defeat - on military service Poland. He said that its troops do not submit to Wrangel.

Other group of troops the general Glazenap who was replaced by the general Boboshko and then the general B. Peremykin ordered in the beginning. Unlike Balakhovich, Peremykin recognized the Supreme command of Wrangel.

Besides these two largest army groups, existed also small (group of the general Trusov and others).

In the circumstances Savinkov as the head of the Russian political committee had to maneuver. He said that the Committee recognizes Wrangel as the commander-in-chief of all Russian army and submits to it. At the same time he sought to convince Wrangel to avoid any actions capable to worsen the relations with Poland. At the same time Savinkov proved to the Polish authorities that submission to Wrangel of the Russian troops which are in Poland will not cause it damage, and made efforts for receiving the Polish support and the help.

In October, 1920 the military operations between Poland and the Soviet republic ended with truce (the peace was made in Riga, in March, 1921). Under the terms of truce the Russian troops had to be removed from Poland. Savinkov organized a special meeting of the Russian political committee to discuss and resolve this issue. Being present, including Wrangel's representative general Makhrov, supported conducting combat operations: Poland Poland, and Russians have to continue fight against Bolsheviks.

The so-called 3rd Russian army of the general B. Peremykin which declared itself the subordinate to Wrangel in interaction with petlyurovets moved in the direction to Cherkassk. First it made some success, but, having suffered soon several defeats from the Red Army, was forced to recede and leave for the Polish border.

Bulak-Balakhovich led the troops which he called "People's democratic", along a route Mazyr - Recyca - Gomel. Savinkov, as once joined Kappelya group near Kazan, registered the volunteer in Bulak-Balakhovich's group now.

Bulak-Balakhovich was the typical representative of one of the characteristic phenomena of the Civil war in Russia: mixtures of anarchism and guerrilla warfare, atamanshchina and batkovshchina. In archive remained a set of materials (reports, official reports, etc.) in the Russian political committee about the robberies and nasiliya repaired by subordinates of such "military leaders". So, during raids on the territory of Belarus the group of the colonel S. Pavlovsky especially "differed". The way of this group was noted by robberies, nasiliya, murders, the Jewish riots. As a result of it

sorts of actions as it was told in one of reports, hostility of the population is noted "sharply". Later, being in prison on Lubyanka, Savinkov wrote down in the diary that he began to realize not righteousness of fight of "balakhovshchina" (and the) in the Belarusian campaigns, in particular in a campaign to Mazyr: "Swindlers, robbers and villains on the one hand (zaredky exception...), with another - the unfriendly and semi-hostile peasant. When I saw this unfriendliness and this hostility, I understood that the people not with us" 2.

But to Balakhovich not for long had to work with

in Belarus. The most part of its forces was surrounded with G. Kotovsky's cavalry and infantry parts of red. With heavy losses a part of groups of Balakhovich nevertheless escaped from an environment and left for the Polish cordon.

The Polish authorities interned everything Peremykin's troops which passed to their territory, Balakhovich and others. Savinkov urgently had to change political clothes. The Russian political committee was transformed to the organization called as before: Evacuation committee. In general it dealt with the same problems, as Political committee, but work on accommodation of the soldiers and officers interned polyakami3 was still added to them.

In addition to Evacuation committee was created, in January, 1921, Information bureau led by Boris Savinkov's brother Victor. The bureau supported communications, mainly, with the Polish and French General Staff, delivered them information on situation in the Soviet Russia and parts of the Red Army which is available for it. Later, being an arrested of GPU, Savinkov partially recognized these communications, but considered them usual, "normal" in that situation: One or the other: or to fight, or is not present. If to fight, means - foreigners, bases, headquarters..." "Ego not a shpionstvo, - he claimed. - "To suspect me of a shpionstvo it is ridiculous. May I be a spy? But I was at the head of big business and had to have base. And the base is inseparably linked with the headquarters... I arrived as all arrived white, relying on foreigners. And without support on foreigners we could not be at war" 4.

In one of the numerous brochures Savinkov noted that fighting of Bulak-Balakhovich and Peremykin actually were the last in the White movement. It got beaten. Red won. Savinkov considered that the main reason of such result of Civil war - undemocratic character of the White movement, its isolation from the people, a considerable reactionary element inherent in it. Yes, white leaders saved honor and the idea of Russia, but in most cases they were surrounded by people, "not understanding souls national". It was some damnation, "the certain law hanging over us".

What prospect was offered Savinkov?

White is not present any more. They appeared in emigration, are generally engaged with clarification of the question "who is guilty" in their destiny and not really imagine that and as to them next to do.

To go to these white - was not by Savinkov. To replace milestones and to pass to winners - red? But whether not too a lot of their blood was shed by Savinkov, fighting with them that they accepted it in the bosom? And, above all - he firmly believed: if the Russian people not with white, then it and not with red. (March, 1921) he wrote in article "About the Power": "The Russian people do not want Lenin, Trotsky and Dzerzhinsky, do not want not only because communists will mobilize, shoot, requisition bread and ruin Russia. The Russian people do not want them also for that simple and clear reason that Lenin, Trotsky, Dzerzhinsky arose too - there were without volition also desires of the people. They were elected too by nobody" 5.

There will pass three years, and Savinkov will speak absolutely, completely different. But so far... Events of Civil war led Savinkov to the conclusion: in it two Russia - white and red battled. But was and there is one more: "third Russia", Russia "soil", country, Russia "green". Its slogan: neither landowners and owners, nor commune. "Down with all "applicants", - Savinkov wrote, - Wrangel, Kerensky, Chernov, Milyukov, Balakhovich, etc. Long live the country, elected by the people government... The commune will be succeeded by the republic Russian, country, rich, strong and free.," 6.

But that it came, it is necessary, Savinkov considered, to organize this country, "green" Russia which already rose after the victory red. The Russian political committee obtained information that Russia "is allegedly covered" with secret cells and "green" groups that there is already truly people's revolutionary movement independent of "old" political parties and the Russian emigration.

Proceeding from it the savinkovsky Russian political committee set the new tasks for itself: 1) to unite "green" the political program reflecting desires of country masses; 2) to create orgcentre "green fight". It was decided to recreate as such center the Union are sewn up the Homeland and Svoboda who in the summer of 1918 excited anti-Bolshevist rebellions in Yaroslavl, Rybinsk, Murom. But now for underlining of democratic character of the Union to add the word "national" to its former name. It turned out - the National union of protection of the Homeland and Svoboda (NSZRIS).

NSZRIS was divided into underground regional committees, the most active of which was, perhaps, Northwest, controlling the Gomel and Smolensk regions. This committee, actually, also developed the program of the Union approved at a congress of representatives regional

committees in June, 1921. The program contained three main points: 1) the world - recognition of the right of the people for self-determination, refusal of any foreign or emigrant intervention, 2) the earth - transfer of all earth to peasants by the principle of a private labor property and 3) the power has to be established only by election as its congress of Councils. The idea of the Constituent assembly was considered as politically compromised, the idea of Councils - as close and clear to the peasantry.

By means of numerous leaflets and such newspapers as "Freedom", "Country Russia" and others, program NSZRIS extended in Russia. And in the summer of 1921 the savinkovsky Union began to work. It had organizations in Belarus, Petrograd, Novgorod, Pskov, Tver, Bryansk and other areas. NSZRIS created the cells also in the Volga region, in Ukraine, in a number of parts of the Red Army. So, at least, Savinkov assured of the brochures. All these organizations or cells as he claimed, united three regional committees: North Western, Northern and Southwest. At committees and the big organizations there were "green groups" - the fighting groups which are well armed. The Soviet bodies called these groups "gangster", and Savinkov recognized that among them really there were many people who were engaged in robberies, riots, nasiliya. But it, he explained, was kind of foam, a fight scum, and NSZRIS allegedly strictly punished any manifestations of gangsterism and anarchism. Terrorist attacks were allowed only against employees of GPH of representatives of the Soviet power. On Savinkov's assurances, NSZRIS kept in touch with the "green" organizations existing to him and also "green" and other anti-Bolshevist organizations of Karelia, the Baltics, Kuban, the Caucasus and some other areas. Besides, were as if agreements even with a number of "the suburban governments" - Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, with "the Don democratic groups", with Antonov, the head of country insurgents in Central Russia, and the general A. Pepelyaev in Siberia are signed.

By the end of 1921 as Savinkov wrote, NSZRIS was already "not separate secret society", and "allied merging of numerous secret green societies both great Russian, and inoplemenny" 7.

Most likely, drawing so large-scale picture of activity directed by it NSZRIS, Savinkov nevertheless did not forget about propaganda and propaganda tasks of the Union at all. If this grandiose picture of activity NSZRIS was true, then how then it is possible to explain the fact of its fast decline that Savinkov recognized? On Lubyanka it showed: "... By 1923 the organization was absolutely broken, the Union in effect was not, people were not, money was not" 8. There was a question of the termination of its work. Of course, on Lubyanka Savinkov "sold short", just as earlier he needed "to go a bull". But, anyway, it is indisputable: savinkovskiya NSZRIS which headquarters was in Warsaw there could not be out of control of GPH of the Soviet authorities in general.

And if savinyuvskiya NSZRIS threw on the Soviet territory dozens, and even hundreds of agents and residents for connection with the "green" movement, then it is quite natural, as GPU introduced the agency in NSRZIS for the purpose of identification of its structure, plans, tasks, elimination of the most dangerous activists, etc. Of course, nobody could guarantee that in both parties absolutely checked people are transferred. Time was not settled, unstable, vague, and in a golovakha of many the distemper reigned too. Some messengers from the savinkovsky party under certain circumstances were ready to remain on "the red party". And among those, kosh transported GPU through the Polish border, disappeared and eager "to leave for a cordon". Were, of course, and such who took the risk of illegal crossing of the border.

It is necessary to tell about one of people of this kind. The beginning of a deadly game of GPU against Savinkov is connected with him. His real name - Upelinish (sometimes write: Upelints, Upenints, Upelinits). - the Latvian, was involved in World War I, in 1918 joined the Red Army. In the fall of 1920 it - in Smolensk, as the chief of staff of troops of internal service of the Western front. But now it appears under a surname of Opperput. Why and as there was this replacement - a riddle. It is possible that at this time it was connected with GPU and there it was "renamed". But when after Opperput it was arrested, it showed that created the secret anti-Soviet organization in Gomel and established connection with other similar organizations in Mogilev, Vitebsk, Orsha, Hills and other cities of Belarus. However its main goal, he said, was in coming into contacts with a savinkovsky NSZRiS in Warsaw. Under a name of Pavel Selyaninov he managed to cross the border illegally. In Warsaw met Victor Savinkov, and then twice and Boris Savinkov in Bristol hotel. When Oppetnut returned back, it on hands had the "paper" from B. Savinkov certifying that it, Selyaninov, "is checked" and it should be trusted. Through border Opperput managed to carry out packs of propaganda leaflets, brochures and, on some by a statement, poison, allegedly for food poisoning in Red Army parts.

Oppernut played an important role and, maybe, even headed Northwest committee NSZRIS. At the end of May, 1921 it once again went to Warsaw to participate in the constituent congress NSZRIS which took place in June. But here its anti-Soviet, savinkovsky role was interrupted. He was arrested during the defeat of Northwest committee and its cells undertaken by GPU. Oppernut, he is Selyaninov, it appeared in the prison cell.

During interrogations he gave to investigators of GPU valuable evidences about NSZRIS and savinkovets, but was not limited to it. Voluntarily or under pressure, but fall of 1921, being in the conclusion, Opperput wrote the extensive brochure "National Union of Protection of the Homeland and Svoboda" in which in details characterized structure, plans and activity savinkovskosh the Union and an isosconce?

Mary Powell
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