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Russian female noblewoman: sexuality and gender identity (XVIII first half of the 19th centuries)

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A.B. Belovo


Article purpose - a girlhood research as one of stages of life cycle in the Russian noble environment XVIII - the middle of the 19th centuries through studying anthropological aspects of female corporality, sexuality, features of search and awareness of gender identity in the context of historical ethnology and anthropology, the history of daily occurrence, female and gender history. The analysis of subjective sources (the female letters, diaries, autobiographies, memoirs) expressing a side of intra mental experience, intimate dreams and fears, the conscious and unconscious strategy of action and replacement shows that the reason of failures of the subsequent vital scenarios often rooted in features of passing of this stage. We first of all are interested in articulating by noble girlfriends of by means of the self-presentation in letters and autobiographies, search of own identity by them, but, at the same time, and the mechanism of social designing of a gender realized in the period of the girlhood.

The girlhood belongs to those stages of life cycle of the woman which are widely presented in scientific literature in relation to different social communities and epokham1. At the same time studying "girlhood" of noble girls in imperial Russia is a visible exception. The girlhood problem as cultural and anthropological phenomenon, being considered as a prerogative of ethnographers, did not come into the view of historians, and ethnographers, in turn, were not interested in the nobility which is not marked by them as the carrier of traditional culture. At the same time the research vacuum in relation to this problem in many respects is explained also by a kvazikhrestomatiynost of an image of "young lady" - a favourite construct of the Russian classical literature of the 19th century, - substituting with the imaginary evidence the possible scientific analysis. The stereotypes acquired from a school bench, on which for the lack of others so

* Work is performed with financial support of RGNF and Administration of the Tver region within the research project of RGNF "Provincial Noble and Official Family in XIX — the Beginning of the 20th Century", project No. of 05-01-57105a/C.

the recognized samples, many generations of the Russian and Soviet girls in the course of awareness of own identity were forced to lean nearly so far, do "invisible" the noble girlhood in Russia as a subject of a historical and ethnological research. Literary images, being representation of "a men's view" of the female noblewoman, reproduced thoughts, feelings, experiences, motivations which, from the point of view of male authors, allegedly had to it be inherent.

The girlhood - a vital stage between "childhood" and "maturity", and actually a marriage as concerning the nobility the statement of ethnographers about crucial importance at determination of the status of the woman is fair "in any layer of "doemansipirovanny" society" divisions of her life on premarital and zamuzhnyuyu2. To the middle of the 19th century the noble girl up to 5 years was already called "the little young lady" 3, then the young lady nomination 5 was applied to girls and girls various vozrasta4, and the reached 15 years were considered as "adult young ladies" 6 that, obviously, testified to their introduction in a new phase of life cycle - the girlhood. The name "young lady" had, besides age, also a social connotation, indicating the girl noble prois-hozhdeniya7. "To bring up as the young lady" 8 meant "to contain as has to be to the noble girl" 9.

Memoirists of the XVIII-XIX centuries called the girlhood "youth" 10 (sometimes "youth" 11), interpreting it in the context of formation of own identity, and themselves at this age - "girls" 12, "maids" 13, "maidens" 14, "young persons" 15. The conditional age bracket of the childhood should be considered 12-14 let16 when girls entered the pubertal period and peculiar "instability" of identity, characteristic of "transitional" age, could be inherent in them. Expressing, for example, emotional reaction to the same event - unfair, from her point of view, punishment ("to become in a corner" 17 for reading the book that "it was very strictly forbidden" without its preliminary reading guvernan-tkoy18) - the young noblewoman at this age perceived herself at the same time as "the big twelve-year-old maiden" as "the poor little girl" 19. N.A. Durov (1783 - 1866) "cavalryman maiden" considered that from 14 to 16 years she endured some kind of change of identity twice: from "Achilles in a women's dress" to "the modest and constant look so much beseeming the young maiden" and obratno20.

The age framework of the girlhood which was strongly varying in different countries and during different eras depending on change of the accepted age of the introduction in brak21 did not differ in constancy and in noble Russia during the studied period. In general, it is possible to tell about prevalence of an early marriage of noblewomen, and up to the 80th of the 18th century age of the beginning of the matrimonial relations, usual for them, - 14-16 let22 (sometimes even 13 (!)23),

at a boundary of the XVIII-XIX centuries - 17-1824, by 30th of the 19th century - 19 — 2125. In the second quarter of the 19th century the first marriages concluded at more mature age - on the third and even the fourth decades of life dvoryanok26 already met. In process of increase in age of consent of border of the girlhood extended. Respectively, for unmarried noblewomen the top boundary of this stage of life cycle formally remained open that was expressed in remaining behind them after getting out of age category actually of "growing" of the legal maiden nomination 27 and also in socially ordered designation "old maid" 28 or "the old girl" 29.

Idea of legitimation of a maturity only by means of a marriage underwent certain changes only at "girls of the sixtieth years" of 30 19th century and that it concerned their internal installations, but not dominating public views. Growing process did not come down for them to transformation into socially expected "popular" bride any more, and was expressed in finding professional prigodnosti31 and interfaced to her financial nezavisimosti32. The qualitative boundary between the childhood and the girlhood was associated with overcoming a passive role of the trained schoolgirl and positioning of as the active subject aimed at self-realization and implementation of the choice on the aktsional-number urovne33. The new "type of the serious and efficient girl" which "in society arose" seemed to some male contemporaries "attractive", however emergence of this type demanded from them development of new behavior model in relation to such women including rechevogo34.

Till an era of bourgeois modernization the girlhood as a vital stage was comprehended in terms of socially imposed expectation of "the solution of the fate" identified only with zamuzhestvom35. Was considered, as education and even court career - only the preparatory strategy of achievement of the main vital goal of the woman, namely her exit in marriage. Female secondary education, in particular institute is not accidental, had no professional demand. The women's institutes created for the purpose of formation in Russia of "new breed of mothers" and performing functions of social contempt for vochek-orphan de and daughters of poor or needy noblemen represented the final product as the potential housewives possessing refined manners. So, in one of standard certificates on the termination of Smolny Institute for 1812 it was said: "... The noble maiden Agrafena Vasilyevna Matskevicheva as in behavior decent well-educated, and in acquisition of knowledge, sciences and needlework corresponding eya to a floor with the exercises concerning before the necessary housekeeping, the attention and diligence reached to excellent success..." 36.

The best graduates upon termination of institute received so-called "code" 37 - "the gold, decorated with diamonds empress's monogram under a crown on a bow from an andreevsky tape" 38 - and could expect court career of the maid of honor with the subsequent prospect again "to make a good match" 39. For this reason many noblewomen appreciated the freylinsky code not as recognition of educational achievements, individual merits, the public status, and as a way of elimination of financial obstacles by a marriage. According to V.N. Golovina (1766 - 1819), her "¾I ¾-bo¾sh" 40, the princess Golitsyna, "wanted her oldest daughter to receive the code because the dowry in twelve thousand rubles" 41 contacted this difference.

At the same time at a boundary of the XVIII-XIX centuries in the environment of the provincial nobility the "men's" view of female education as on an unworthy alternative to a marriage was still widespread. E.A. Sabaneeva remembered that her great-grandfather "for defect considered that the Russian noblewomen, his daughters, studied foreign languages": "My daughters will not go in the governess... They are not girls without dowry; time will come, I will carry them to Moscow, there will be grooms for them" 42. Education was perceived as some kind of forced "strategy of survival" for noblewomen with the low level of material prosperity who owing to this fact could not count on a marriage, that is on implementation of the standard vital scenario.

In the conditions of a noble way of life growing as "separation from parents" 43, a separation from parental family in most cases were for girls the injuring circumstance. The main reason consists in "not smoothness" of this transition which was not emotional and psychological isolation at preservation of a position of the daughter in family, and was expressed, owing to an early marriage, in "unexpected" leaving "", "protecting", families and inclusion in Novaya Gazeta, "frightening" neizvestnostyyu44. And, at the same time, - in sharp change of functional roles: transformation from the daughter into the wife that at absence at girls of the created skills of upholding of own identity and at objective seniority of the spouse on age meant acceptance of a role of the daughter in relation to the husband. Besides, all social positions which were shared by the noble girl - both daughters, and the wife, and the daughter-in-law, - were connected with submission of someone's power. Owing to a marriage only the source of this power changed. So, A.E. Labzina (1758 - 1828) mother inspired in it on the eve of the wedding: "And you not will depend on me, and on the husband and on the mother-in-law to which you have to boundless obedience and true love. You not from me will accept orders, and from them. My power over you came to an end, and there was one love and a friend advice" 45.

And often it was talked of an age difference of spouses in 10-20 years. But it could be and bigger. Even A.P. history. The core (1800 - 1879), married in 16 years to 52-year-old as it wrote, "the ugly old general" 46, looks not so impressive as another - history of "beauty Eudoxia" of Pronchishcheva. It, having hastily taken away from Moscow to the village, the father

"married to the prince Yakov Alekseyevich Nesvitsky, the person rich, but a little suitable it on litas: it was seventeen, and to her spouse under seventy". And only because it "the beauty attracted attention the sovereign" 47.

Growing of noble girls, especially in families of the provincial nobility, it is possible to call "late" in view of, first, high degree of their emotional and psychological dependence on parents and a family circle even is aged more senior 20 let48 and, as a result, than deficiency of experience of independent forming of the interpersonal relations, secondly, of total control from adult and tight restrictions of freedom of behavior (both on aktsionalny, and at the verbal level) and self-expression, thirdly, of sexual "ignorance" and, therefore, lack of a reflection of own sexuality, and, so and understanding of changes of the corporality and the impact of these changes on search of own identity.

In country culture, unlike noble, there was a certain adaptive mechanism of transition from the daughter girl to the female wife. The main components of this mechanism were: a ritual, participation in "maiden conversations", acquisition of skills of forming of the relations with contemporaries of the and peers of an opposite sex without presence of adults, relatively the best awareness in sexual questions and big freedom of premarital behavior and relationship of floors.

If in the country environment premarital communication between floors it was carried out in an environment of peers, then in noble - almost always in the presence of adults, first of all the girl's parents that was expression of formal restrictions. The last concerned almost only female noblewomen as noble young men had a wide range of possibilities of sexual "education" and more free manifestation of sexual behavior before marriage. Here belong also "availability" of country and other "maids" (or "dissolute maids" as called them dvoryanki49) as sexual objects in the conditions of farmstead and city byta50, and participation in specific forms of country leisure in marching living conditions of the nobleman-voyennogo51.

The growing mechanism, including findings of own sexuality, significantly differed at noble young men and girls. The first, unlike the second, always had at the order necessary sources of information acting through serfs from the immediate environment oboy pola52. For noble girls any information on a sexual subject was blocked, up to almost only "self-instruction manual" in the form of novels. A.E. Labzina remembered that, living in St. Petersburg in the house of "benefactor" M.M. Heraskov, being already married (though "the fifteenth year" went her only) she nevertheless read that literature which it "was given, but not itself chose" (obviously, it was perceived, despite of a marriage, in

compliance with age as girl): "Fortunately, I had no case yet to read novels and did not hear this name. It happened, time began to be told about the books which appeared again and remembered the novel, and I several times heard. At last asked Elizabeth Vasilyevna about what she tells everything to Romana, and I at them never see it. Here to me it was told that not about the person spoke, and about books which so are called, "but you to read them early and not well"" 53.

The relation to reading novels by girls practically did not change for nearly hundred years - from the 70th of the 18th century to the 60th of the 19th century of S.V. Kovalevskaya (1850 - 1891) who the girl more than once "endured the most difficult psychological dramas with the heroine of the novel read furtively", nevertheless "it was very strictly forbidden to concern" in a home library of "seductive small volumes of the foreign novels" which were not relating to "legal reading" and repeatedly it was necessary "to transfer" punishments for violations of it zapreta54.

Representatives of the senior generation also did not devote young noblewomen in the sexual party of the relations between spouses not only on the eve of a marriage, but even in the presence of problems in this area after marriage. And did not come to the mother-in-law young and unsophisticated A.E. Labzina who personally made sure of sexual relations of the son with his niece and absence at him the matrimonial relations with the wife to mind to talk to the daughter-in-law about existence of the similar relations about which that, owing to too early marriage and pious education, did not even suspect ("I then did not know other love.," 55), and how them naladit56.

At the same time at hit of noble girls in situations by which they could "benefit" for own sexual "education" (for example, involuntary contemplation of a scene of love flirtation or a naked antique sculpture) the last was interfered by the internal blocking mechanisms ("shame", "bashfulness") 57. Obviously, representation about corporal and sexual as about shameful, inspired in the course of education prevailed over them (girls called the sexual relations called by young men "ordinary natural actions" 58 "bestial love" 59). And the general acted as motivation not so much for all ethical requirements of religion, how many social instructions for a basis of sex. "Bashfulness" was overcome not by accidentally noble young men much easier, than devushkami60.

At the same time an element of the same educational strategy there was a schooling of noble girls to patient transferring of pain. If to consider it the universal tendency characteristic of different times and cultures, then to this row, with motivation of transformation of female corporality into an object of male sexual attention, it is necessary to carry also numerous practicians of "alteration" of a female body: from the Chinese custom of bandaging of legs to the European tradition of carrying a rigid corset. In memoirs of baroness V.-Yu. Kryudener (1764 - 1824), "to inspire in the mother noting aspiration concerning daughters desire with firmness to transfer physical sufferings" 61, there is a characteristic remark: "During diseases and at severe pains looked after us, but ever no uniform complaint broke from our lips because mother reminded us softly and with a smile, but imperiously that women are fated to feel severe pain" 62. In the childhood organized to girls peculiar "training" on endurance, aiming them at psychological decrease in sensitivity to pain.

Memoirists remembered the "corrections" of a body endured by them in the childhood: from inoculation through a beating of a habit to "bipedalism" 63 before almost Spartan "strengthening of a body" through transferring of "rough food", cold without warm clothes, physical activities, restriction of a dream, peculiar zakalivaniya64. Girls had to bear all this to conform to the sociocultural "requirements" imposed to female appearance or to be ready to not too provided marriage, and even a marriage in marching usloviyakh65

At the same time similar installations implicitly contained orientation of girls to birth as a certain external zadannost and identification of a course of life of the woman with performance of reproductive function. Childbirth became the moment of peculiar "initiation" when the woman has to have realized inspired in it since childhood and anyway the accumulated experience of uncomplaining transferring of that, "strong", namely patrimonial, pains.

thus that the ideas of a marriage and a reproduction as female purpose were inspired in noble girls that in them brought up a view of themselves as on an object of male attention including sexual though in most cases it was expressed euphemistically, in them finding and development of own sexuality was consciously blocked: the family, culture and society in every possible way interfered with transformation of their "children's" bodies into "sexual". Formed of the noble girl the female child, not realizing neither the body, nor own sexuality, nor, therefore, own identity. Only having passed through "millstones" of marriage experience, not always successful, numerous beremennosti66, but, at the same time, and finding of own corporality, some noblewomen made a "successful" exit from the teenage period and already at the new level of understanding of entered more equal and harmonious relations in new marriage (examples of repeated marriages of A.E. Labzina, A.P. Kern-Markovoy-Vinogradskoy, N.N. Pushkina-Lanskaya and others). In relation to the second husbands they were not female children any more, and were perceived by them as felt - the taken place mature women. Some noblewomen did not manage "to take advantages" from marginality of own unsuccessful puberty, to be exempted from the failed experience of the first love and they slowly died away at relatively young age (for example, L.A. Bakunina - in 27 let67, N.I. Durov - in 35 let68), belonging to that generation of young women who, by words E. Polyuda, "felt obliged to be loyal to the first love or to die if the love comes to grief (as Juliette or Rusalochka in the fairy tale by Andersen)" 69. In fact, practically all female autobiographical tradition is story of the "taken place" or "cancelled" puberty.

Not only noble girls did not seek for disposal "from maternal dependence" 70, but also mothers did not hurry to release them from themselves, generating, thereby, difficulties in the relations, especially with oldest daughters. E. Polyuda explains "Collision between mother and the daughter" with "destruction of borders between generations at approach of puberty of the daughter" 71. The early marriage of mothers and, respectively, the early birth of the first daughters, an age difference between them less than 20 years (16, 17, it is frequent 18) led to the fact that in the known time both those, and others appeared within reproductive age, however daughters perceived position of mothers as primary in comparison with own. Inexperience, and it is frequent also full lack of information in issues of relationship polov72, strict social control of verbal and sexual behavior of the unmarried devushek73, really, put mothers in more advantageous position, not only in view of bigger sophistication in the sexual sphere and smaller fear to become pregnant, but also owing to admissibility of more relaxed communicative behavior for the adult, married woman. Not accidentally both P.A. Osipova (1781-1859), and A.P. Kern as appears from letters and memoirs, made first of all the verbal competition to the daughters in communication with the men showing to them interest. In the conditions of isolation of farmstead life, limitation of a circle obshcheniya74 and deficiency of potential grooms the generation of oldest daughters had a feeling of unaccountable threat to the matrimonial and reproductive interests (some kind of sublimated sexuality as the sexuality out of a context of marriage and the birth of children was not thought of them) from mothers possessing besides also property solvency. Within full families the similar experiences remained at the level of archetypic the caused phobias: the father personifying the man capable to marriage in this local space (noble family) "is already busy" by mother.

Naturally, only even more rigid emphasis of the existing gender roles and positions by means of their imperious marking could be permission of the reproductive "conflict of generations", implicit sexual "rivalry" appearing at the same time within the genital period not of elderly mother and her adult daughter, in the conditions of noble life with accurately fixed family roles (when mother and the daughter cannot be presented "girlfriends", and their communication was based at all not "as equals"). The internal motivation of "elimination of the competitor" forced "young" mothers not to recognize the come "maturity" of the oldest daughter that was expressed in "resistance" to her transition from category of children to category of adults. Strengthening of imperious pressing from mothers adult girls and toughening of dictatorship demonstrates to it in relation to them, public demonstration of the parent power over the daughter as possibilities of any manipulation of it.

The rivalry episode between P.A. Woolf-Osipova and her daughter A.N. Woolf (1799 - 1857) born by her in 18 years who did not marry and not giving birth for A.S. Pushkin's arrangement is well-known. A.N. Woolf wrote A.S. Pushkina at the beginning of March, 1826: "Yesterday I had very rough scene with my mother because of my departure. She told before all my family that she resolutely leaves me here that I have to remain and she cannot me in any way (the 26-year-old daughter (!). - A.B.) to take with itself... If you knew how I am grieved! I the right think, as well as A.K. (Anna Kern. - A.B.) that it one wants to gain a victory over you and that it out of jealousy leaves me here. I am scary angry on my mother; here what woman!. I do not know where to direct you this letter, I am afraid, kind of on Trigorskoye it did not fall into mom's hands." 75.

The situation in which mother in the presence of all relatives says that she "leaves" the 26-year-old daughter as cannot "take" it codes the girl as "child" as a being passive, deprived of own will and submitting to decisions of parents. Thus that any representation of the girl as "small, unreasonable child" 76 was always taken especially painfully. Deliberate deduction of the adult daughter in a position "children" symbolizes refusal of mother of own transition to other age and role category concealing for it threat of loss of the found and conscious sexuality.

Nevertheless in male memoirs tradition it is possible to meet alternative certificates on corporal, sexual "growing" of noble girls in case it was talked of mutual sympathy of relatives on age of young people and stay them in situations of the "loosened" controls from the senior generation. The similar ban constrained a little noble young men who were know well "the accepted usage demanding from the maiden of strict abstention". At the same time the defloration was designated by them in ethical terms - "make unfortunate", "break a maiden jewelry", "cast into abuse". And, some memoirists (as, for example, M.P. Zagryazhsky) in every possible way emphasized full readiness of noble girls with whom they "shalberit", to enter the premarital relations, attributing prevention of it only own blagorazumiyu77.

The possibility of premarital communications of noblewomen is also confirmed by not actually female letters, memoirs, diaries, literary works, and the men's obscene poetry which left, for example, from the yunkersky environment of the 30th of the 19th century 78 it is difficult to judge with confidence reliability of this source which on a genre could indulge in wishful thinking, being a projection of secret youthful dreams. Most likely just intended verbalization of a situation of intersexual sexual contacts before marriage, verbal removal of the cultural ban, demonstrative denial of social and sexual norm and absolutization of deviation were a consequence of real inadmissibility of premarital communications of the noble girl. Besides, the options of loss by young ladies of innocence described by yunkersky obscene poetry can be considered as manifestation of the misogyny inherent not only to these, but also other works occurring usually in exclusively men's environment.

N.L. Pushkareva in the analysis of an ego documents of noblewomen of XVIII - the beginnings of the 19th centuries did not manage to reveal "any case of premarital pregnancy and the child's birth till a marriage" 79. However, she does not deny completely hypothetical possibility of such situations which were not fixed for ethical reasons, but, comparing data on noblewomen with the information about peasants and representatives of urban population among which such cases are just recorded, claims that at noblemen "idea of "infamy" of acquisition of children before marriage became stronger" 80. Possibly, fears to become pregnant could be, along with moral instructions and religious beliefs, to be exact in their context, an effective factor of caution of noblewomen from the introduction in premarital communications. However they stopped not all.

The evidence of premarital pregnancies in female subjective sources after all meets, however, when it is not about "", and about "others" experience. The court environment where communicative communications between floors differed in bigger regularity and intensity, than, for example, in farmstead life, did not exclude cases of pregnancy of young maids of honor from more seniors of married court. Catherine II remembered that during the stay as her grand duchess "the love intrigue of Choglokov with one came to the notice of the empress of. maids of honor of Koshelevoyu who from it became pregnant" 81. Consequences of this "incident", from the point of view of the memoirist, were unexpected for all knowing about it: despite active condemnation of an adultery, the "incorrect" husband kept the court positions while his pregnant beloved "ordered to go to the uncle, an obergofmeyster Shepeleva" 82. While in this case as the hot defender of the husband Elizabeth was addressed, strangely enough, by the wife "deceived" by him, by then mother six him detey83, the made decision promoted strengthening of a stereotype of more strict censure of premarital pregnancy of the woman in comparison with adultery of the man. In the middle of the 19th century the scandalous publicity in secular circles of St. Petersburg was received by premarital communication of E.A. Denisyeva (1826 - 1864), the niece of "a deserved inspektrisa" of Smolny Institute of A.D. Denisyeva (? - 1880), with F.I. Tyutchev (1803 - 1873) 84.

Thus, the girlhood as a stage of life cycle in noble environment XVIII - the middle of the 19th centuries was or too short period at an early marriage or which is formally prolonged until the end of life in case of an official celibacy. At the same time the girlhood was noted by a bigger inferiority, than the childhood as it was burdened with numerous social expectations on which implementation the statuses of the woman - family depended in the future, social, gender. "Timeliness" of realization by the noble girl of matrimonial and reproductive "purpose" was the main content of these social expectations. And for people around of the young noblewoman the girlhood had no worthiness as time of its internal formation and finding of, formations of a self-assessment and the beginning of self-realization.

The mechanism of social designing of a gender in the period of the girlhood is characterized by repressiveness: restriction of access to information (reading, education) including concerning relationship of floors, strict control of aktsionalny and verbal behavior and self-expression, the ban on extra public oral and written communication with representatives of an opposite sex, an interiorization of ideas of shamefulness of the sexual relations, corporal and sexual up to bringing down, to level nedochelovechesky ("bestial love"), the instruction of requirements of "strict abstention", observance of "a maiden jewelry", gender understanding of "honour" and "glory" concerning the girl.

Despite the experiences by noblewomen of experiments of designing of own identity fixed by female autodocumentary tradition, they did not manage to avoid the inspired stereotypes about a course of life as "fate" in which solution the passive part, about identification of "fate" of the woman with marriage, about "happiness" of the girl as her innocence before marriage, about purpose as birth is assigned to them. The internal self-assessment often was defined by external requirements and realization of external expectations.

The obvious contradiction between orientation of the girl to a marriage and birth took place, on the one hand, and blocking of finding and awareness of own corporality and sexuality by it - with another. At the same time we will easily explain the ban on sexual "growing" with the fact that the sexuality of the woman was considered as accessory not it, and the man whose wife it had to become. The speech, thus, goes about some kind of "aloof" sexuality. In lack of the ritual legitimating and at the same time facilitating transition from the girlhood to mature age, the problem of "standard" culture was not in that the girl found herself, realized own identity, and in that it became the "attractive", demanded "matrimonial product". Thereby prerequisites of deduction of the girl/woman in subordinated positions as principles of the gender contract at which remained orientation of noblewomen to receiving mainly an education minimum, lack of professional realization, marginalization of the women undertaking extra economic activity for providing means of livelihood, condemnation of premarital communications, reproduction of traditional model of the family and marriage relations with seniority and domination up to "despotism", the husband reaching sometimes the most extreme negative manifestations were put.

Female letters confirm also a possibility of physical abuse from "the dissolute husband" 85, dominating in family from a position of "brute force": ". My hubby lined to me eyes so nelzya there were weeks two izdy to leave.," 86; "And the husband of sense isnabzhat me a curse yes a beating money the last took hundred rubles to live yes to brawl only igovorit that to it affairs Dodoma are not present does not want to iznat nichevo" 87; ". Having the own the house, I have no will to have it, since March I live with babies in half of sister Avdotya Egorovna, and in the I cannot step one leg without poby and curses, and about a grant for my livelihood with children and there is nothing to say because his dissolute life" 88 is known to you. However for a part of noblewomen the same factors under certain circumstances became a basis of search of own identity, finding of in new quality, independent development of more "successful", from their point of view, vital strategy.

1 Borisov S.B. Mir of the Russian girlhood: 70-90 years of the 20th century. M, 2002; G.I. Kabakova. Anthropology of a female body in Slavic tradition. M, 2001; etc.
2 See, e.g.: THAT Listova. Concerning T.B. Shchepanskaya's article "World and the myth of motherhood"//the Ethnographic review. 1994. No. 5. Page 32.
3 S.V. Kovalevskaya. Childhood memories//S.V. Kovalevskaya. Memoirs. Stories. M, 1974. Page 10.
4 For example, in Likharev' family was 6 unmarried daughters - Belief of 5, Elizabeth of 11, Lydia to 14, Maria 17 years, Yuli the 21st year and Anna 23 years, - which parents,

VA. and A.M. Likharev, called in correspondence by "young ladies" (The State Archive of the Tver Region (SATR). T. 1063. Op. 1. 137. L. 34, 35, 57, 57 about., 65ob., 66 about.).

5 A.E. Labzina. Memoirs: Description of life of one noble woman//Life story of the noble woman. M, 1996. Page 36; E.A. Sabaneeva. Reminiscence of the past, 1770 - 1828//Life story of the noble woman. Page 363; N.A. Durov. Cavalryman maiden. Incident in Russia//N.A. Durov. Chosen compositions cavalryman maiden. M, 1988. Page 33, 38; S.V. Kovalevskaya. Decree. soch. Page 25, 29, 33; GATO. T. 1063. Op. 1. 137. L. 29, 34, 35, 55, 56, 57, 57ob., 65ob., 66ob.
6 S.V. Kovalevskaya. Decree. soch. Page 28.
7 In the same place. Page 14.
8 See: Belova.B. House education of noblewomen in the first half of the 19th century//Pedagogics. 2001. No. 10. Page 73; It. Daily occurrence of the Russian provincial noblewoman of the end

XVIII - the first half of the 19th century (to statement of a problem)//Social history. Year-book, 2003. Female and gender history. M, 2003. Page 275-276.

9 Dolgorukaya N. Svoyeruchnye note of the princess of Natalya Borisovna Dolgorukaya, daughter of the general field marshal count Boris Petrovich Sheremetev//Hard times and favourites: Memories of "an era of palace revolutions" (the 1720th - the 1760th years). L., 1991. Page 258.
10 N. Dolgorukaya. Decree. soch. Page 258-259; A.E. Labzina. Decree. soch. Page 28; Rzhev G.I. Memoranda//Institutki: Memoirs of pupils of institutions for young ladies. M, 2001. Page 47; Kern A.P. (Markov-Vinogradskaya). Memories of Pushkin. M, 1987.

S. 150.

11 E.A. Sabaneeva. Decree. soch. Page 335.
12 N. Dolgorukaya. Decree. soch. Page 258.
13 In the same place. Page 259.
14 N.A. Durov. Decree. soch. Page 34.
15 Kern A.P. (Markov-Vinogradskaya). Decree. soch. Page 151.
16 In the same place. Page 33, 367, 370.
17 S.V. Kovalevskaya. Decree. soch. Page 34.
18 In the same place. Page 32.
19 In the same place. Page 34-35.
20 N.A. Durov. Decree. soch. Page 33, 35, 39.
21 M.G. Muravyeva. Decree. soch. Page 82.
22 N.S. Drlgorukaya. Decree. soch. Page 265-266; Kern A.P. (Markov-Vinogradskaya). Decree. soch. Page 354-355; L.Ya. Lozinskaya. At the head of two academies. M, 1983. Page 8-9.
23 A.E. Labzina. Decree. soch. Page 27.
24 E.A. Sabaneeva. Decree. soch. Page 364; Kern A.P. (Markov-Vinogradskaya). Decree. soch. Page 33.
25 GATO. T. 1063. Op. 1. 32. L. 67; T. 1022. Op. 1. 2. L. 2; L.P. Grossman. Letters of women to Pushkin. Podolsk, 1994. Page 60.
26 See: Kunin V.V. Olga Sergeyevna Pavlishcheva//Pushkin's Friends: Correspondence; Memoirs; Diaries. T. I. M, 1986. Page 45; Chereysky L.A. Pushkin and Tver region. Kalinin, 1985. Page 30.
27 GATO. T. 1063. Op. 1. 32. L. 70, 84; 66. L. 1-7 about.; 70. L. 1-18; 72. L. 1-7; 73. L. 1-2 about., etc.
28 Pushkin's friends... T. II. M, 1986. Page 388.
29 In the same place.
30 A.G. Dostoevskaya. Memoirs. M, 2002. Page 17.
31 In the same place. Page 17.
32 In the same place. Page 17.
33 In the same place. Page 18.
34 In the same place. Page 64.
35 A.E. Labzina. Decree. soch. Page 27, 28; Rzhev G.I. Decree. soch. Page 45, 61; GATO. T. 1016. Op. 1. 45. L. 21, 33, 92.

36 GATO. T. 1233.

Gibbs Edward
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