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Problems of social adaptation of the deported people of the North Caucasus in places of the special settlement (the middle of the 1940th the middle of the 1950th)



v. G. Schneider

PROBLEMS of SOCIAL ADAPTATION of the DEPORTED PEOPLE of the NORTH CAUCASUS IN PLACES of the SPECIAL SETTLEMENT (the MIDDLE of the 1940th - the MIDDLE of the 1950th)

In article separate aspects of process of social adaptation of the deported people of the North Caucasus in places of the reference (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan) in the second half of 1940 — the first half of the 1950th are considered. The author touched such issues as conditions of stay in the mode of the special settlement, dynamics of change of employment rate of special-settlers, their relation to the situation, problems of preservation of family relations.

V. Shnayder

PROBLEMS OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION OF PEOPLES DEPORTED FROM NORTHERN CAUCASIA IN THE PLACES OF EXILE (THE LATE 1940s AND EARLY 1950s)

Several aspects of social adaptation of the ethnic groups deported from Northern Caucasia in the places of exile (Kazakhstan and Kirghizia) in the late 1940s and early 1950s are regarded in the article. Such issues as exile living conditions, dynamics of the settlers’ employment rate, their evaluation of their own status, keeping relations with their families are taken into consideration.

Representatives of the people deported in days of the Great Patriotic War were limited in legal relations and traficabilities. At the initial stage of the reference their fastest social adaptation in places of the special settlement was the vital task.

In areas of accommodation of special settlers 429 commandant's offices of People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs were created. Each of them was headed by the commandant wearing a military uniform of the established sample and a service weapon. As a rule, it were locals from among the former military personnel. The special settler was obliged to be marked out in commandant's office once a month and not to leave without the permission of the commandant for borders of a certain area. Moving from one settlement to another was forbidden. Without the permission it was impossible to visit the relatives, etc.

The commandant was in each settlement. In certain cases, if villages were absolutely small, there could be one commandant on several such settlements. If, on the contrary, the settlement was very big, then commandants had assistants. So-called "ten-janitor", or the foreman to whose duties the observation of other special settlers belonged was appointed to group of houses from among special-settlers. He reported to the commandant about all of them peremeshcheniyakh1.

Difficult 1944 drove people to crimes, most often for the sake of preservation of life. Statistics of crimes so far -

zyvat that escape from places of the settlement made that most difficult year only 1/5 part of the total number of the opened criminal cases. "As a result of holding operational actions, within June, 1944 2,196 people of special settlers, from them were arrested: an anti-Soviet and gangster element — 245 people, for abaction and thefts — 1,255 people, for escapes from places of resettlement — 448 people, for disorderly conduct and the mode — 248 people" 2.

It should be noted that till 1948 the measure of responsibility for such act as escape from places of the settlement was not strictly defined. That is special meetings ("three" of OSO) considered these crimes on a precedent, obviously, based on practice of punishments for escape from places of detention. On November 26, 1948 there was a decree of Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR "About criminal liability for escape from places of the obligatory and constant settlement of the persons moved to the remote regions of the Soviet Union in the period of Patriotic war", providing 20 years of a hard labor. All cases of escapes, according to the order of the Minister of Internal Affairs, had to be investigated on places in 10-day time and are submitted a special meeting. In definition of a measure of punishment surprised even not the term of punishment — 20 years, and a formulation "hard labor". Before it was not characteristic of the Soviet law.

Before emergence of the decree of November 26, 1948 the admission on departure from the district of the special settlement was issued by commandants, and after a release of the decree they could only petition before regional department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for granting such opportunity to the special settler. The admission was issued a maximum for one month for departure from places of the settlement.

In the cities and industrial settlements where the population had passports, they were issued also to the banished persons. On the last page of the passport the special stamp inscription "Was put accommodation only in the territory is allowed" where the special settler's address fitted in. In 1955 in passports began to put stamps only with the indication of the republic of accommodation, and after the beginning of their exchange in 1956 ceased to put such stamps voob-shche3.

Except restrictions in freedom of travel the special settlers were deprived of some civil rights, and other rights remained behind them formally as in fact they were difficult to use. For example, special settlers were not admitted to the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks), the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League, to labor unions, not called up on service for the Red Army. The party members who were available among them and Komsomol were registered in primary organizations, but were not attracted even to public rabote4. Special-settlers had the right for participation in elections to local and central authorities, but could not stand in deputies.

Separately it is necessary to tell about the right of special-settlers for receiving the higher education. Entering a higher education institution was connected for many of them with departure out of borders of the district of the special settlement that considerably did this opportunity speculative.

The most important exponent of socialization of representatives of the deported people is their level zanya-

a toast in the industry and agriculture.

In 1944 in collective farms 428,948 people were placed, in state farms — 64,703 people and "are transferred for labor use" at the industrial enterprises — 108,542 people 5 at the same time from 70,296 families of the special settlers placed in collective farms entered in members of agricultural artel of 56,800 families, or 81%6.

We will pay attention to the number of the special-settlers occupied in the industry about which Beria in the report — 108,542 persons speaks. Certainly, the contingent of workers with families is specified here. However these figures allow us to bring percent of the special settlers occupied in the industry from among able-bodied population. By our calculations, this share made about 18%. It is known that on the arrival of the deported persons to places of the special settlement their professions came to light. Special attention of the power was paid to fixation of persons with industrial spetsialnostyami7.

The extreme conditions of the reference which put many on the edge of survival forced to use any possibility for earnings and keeping of family.

Almost all able-bodied special settlers, and sometimes even those who were considered as disabled worked. It was especially noticeable in the first years of exile. For example, in 1944 in the Dzhambulsky region from 16,927 people able-bodied worked 16,396 persons. For field seasonal works 583 old man and the teenager were attracted. At the same time in the Akmola region in the presence of 17,667 people considered able-bodied actually 19,345 people, including 2,746 teenagers and hundred-rikov8 worked.

By the beginning of the 1950th the state managed to achieve almost absolute employment of special settlers on production and in agriculture. Data of the table on the number of persons of this category in 1950 9 demonstrate to it

A game - oozes - Ghent All it is settled Including Only From them All

families the forehead - a century the husband - a rank wives - tires children UP TO 16 years work spo-sob-ny is engaged at works the % not rabo-thaws is used at works together with limited able-bodied

Chechens and Ingushs 106471 405923 95983 112517 197423 151924 151349 99.60 575 151349

A penalty - teas - tsy 16028 60141 9960 17154 33027 20732 20721 99.90 11 23092

A ball - karets 9092 33155 5886 10293 16976 10457 10457 100.0 - 11783

At the same time it is necessary to remember that in the 1930th and in the early forties in a number of the North Caucasian autonomies, especially in their mountain part, collective farms existed formally, the private sector on the volume exceeded public. About industrial employment of representatives of the people deported (later) in most cases it was only possible to speak as about the seasonal phenomenon. Therefore permissibly to tell that in this aspect of socialization of special settlers on new residences the state achieved big results. Let's emphasize that it was the purposeful policy.

It is necessary to pay attention to that circumstance that for many special settlers their labor involvement in collective farms and on production became not only rescue from starvation, but in certain cases and finding of rather high social status. It is impossible to tell that they had no such opportunity in the homeland, but it should be noted, as in places of the settlement they it were not deprived. Among representatives of the deported people during exile there were not only heads even if small or average labor collectives, but also the leaders of work who had government awards. For example, among special settlers of the Dzhambulsky region in 1946 for high proizvodstven-

ny indicators were awarded 3,045 people, generally karachayevtsev10. And in the last year the exiles of the Central Committee of the Communist Parties of the Kazakh SSR and the Kyrgyz SSR noted honest work karachayevtsev11.

Curious information the reference on executives and members of the CPSU from among the special settlers living in 1955 in Frunze contains

>. It is the list of surnames of special settlers with the indication of the positions held by them. 2 Chechens, 5 Ingushs, 9 Balkars and 7 Karachays entered it. Among them there were such workers as the director of the alcoholic beverage plant (Ingush), the chairman of artel (Chechen), the chief manager of opera theater (Ingush), the director of printing house (Balkar), the chief of the snabsbyt of institute of biology of AN (Balkar), the dean of the correspondence teacher's college (Karachay), two teachers (both Karachays) and other heads of different ranks. In this list it appeared as well the famous Soviet poet Balkar Kaysyn of Kuliyev12.

The standard of living of the deported people, and so, and extent of their socialization in places of the settlement during the entire period of exile increased. In the conditions of rigid totalitarian society the extent of socialization and the standard of living were inseparably linked factors. However, it to a greater or lesser extent belongs to any society.

About gradual growth of welfare of special settlers tells, for example, such fact. During inspection of special settlers of the Issyk kul region regarding employment of able-bodied population in 1955, the commission noted that "are not employed in collective farm of Cheka of Tyupsky district of 13 able-bodied special settlers with socially useful work". The reason — too big personal subsidiary farms (6 —

10 heads of a cattle, 20 — 30 sheep, 0.3 hectares of a kitchen garden). Further in the reference it is noted: "Financial position of special settlers good. Almost each family has the house and personal economy: up to 40 sheep, 3 cows, a personal plot, etc." 13.

Rather recently the group of researchers of the Karachay-Cherkess state pedagogical university conducted survey of the people who endured deportation (unfortunately, in the quoted work the number of respondents is not specified). For conscientious work most of respondents was awarded: 10% were noted by government awards, 31% are awarded with prizes, another 31% — certificates of honor, 22% — valuable presents, etc., and only 34% had no pooshch-reniy14. The question of was asked respondents whether discrimination in work during deportation because of national identity was observed. 47% of respondents answered that special settlers received heavier sites, 26% — paid less for equal work, 32% — did not raise on an office ladder, 41% — did not trust important posts, 29% — at employment did not consider specialty, 53% — did not consider the state of health and age. Every second noted that sometimes treated them unfriendly, 22% testified manhandling cases. And only 6% of respondents noted that they did not experience discrimination in trude15.

Unfortunately, there were also such cases which are described in the reference of the Ministry of Internal Affairs prepared in June, 1950: "on June 17 as a result of the broken-out fight between spetsposelentsa-

mi-Chechen and recruiting workers of Leninogorsk of the East Kazakhstan region killed 34 Chechens. In 10 days in Ust-Kamenogorsk of the same area at the Tsinksvinetsstroy enterprise there was a mass fight to participation of 150 Chechens and 300 arrived recruiting workers. 5 Chechens and 7 workers" 16 are wounded.

Their relation to the situation was an important component of process of socialization of special settlers. It is obvious that rather they will begin to perceive the current situation as invariable and will dismiss ideas of return to the Caucasus, the quicker they will become an organic part of the society surrounding them and, if one may say so, an economic organism. Much attention to moods of special settlers was paid also by the state.

The deported people of the North Caucasus were the steadiest in the aspirations to return home. They could not reconcile to injustice of the situation in the Soviet society. Rumors about possible change of their situation and return home were one of manifestations of this social and psychological discomfort. Quite often, especially at the beginning of the reference, these hopes were pinned on intervention of the large capitalist countries. The example of it is visible from the report of the Minister of Internal Affairs S. Kruglov (on November 11, 1946): "In the Tashkent region by hostile elements it is strengthened provocative rumors about the "forthcoming" war between the USSR and America were spread, and about return of special settlers to places of former residence in this connection many special settlers did not get economy, refused work and sold the cattle given them" 17. Further these rumors were stopped by means of "agency" from Muslim clergy which was immediately directed there and, as follows from the text of a note, achieved success.

In the report addressed to A.A. Zhdanov of August 15, 1946 the Minister of Internal Affairs Kruglov reported that opublikova-

ny the law on abolition of Chechen-Ingush ASSR it was apprehended by Chechens and Ingushs as an action, "the excluded prospect of their return to places of former residence in this connection they draw a conclusion about need quicker to settle on permanent residence in places of the new settlement" 18.

Further a number of statements of Chechens and Ingushs at meetings concerning discussion of this decree is given. Understanding by special settlers of the fault and legitimacy of punishment which they incurred was their main motive allegedly. Acting urged "not to dream" of return to the Caucasus, and to be equipped on new places. In the report also the names of these people were entered. Nevertheless Kruglov was forced to recognize that not all special immigrants are ready in this way. Opinions that the former allies on the anti-Hitlerite coalition demand return deported narodov19 were expressed. Let's emphasize that in the first years of the reference the hope for the former allies of the USSR in World War II, obviously, was very strong, and similar thoughts had wide circulation among the North Caucasian special settlers.

Karachays apprehended the fact that the issue of abolition of their autonomy in 1946 was not discussed at the session of the Supreme Council of the USSR as the sign of the fact that it gives them a chance of return. For example, in the Talas region of the Kyrgyz SSR because of these rumors the Karachays suspended construction of houses and even began to sell imushchestvo20. Similar moods arose also among Kalmyks as abolition of their autonomy was not discussed at that time too. It is known that hopes for rehabilitation soon disappeared, but some time they played a certain destabilizing role among the specified people and, actually, their arrangements in places of the reference dragged out process.

The hard work directed to achievement of the fastest social adapta-

tion of special settlers, law enforcement agencies carried out with Muslim clergy. Always, when it was possible, they hired mullahs and used their spiritual authority for influence on masses. There were cases when mullahs were put on trial, obviously, having shown intractability.

In November, 1946 Kruglov reported to Stalin, Beria that among special immigrants the law enforcement agencies revealed and registered 1,003 mullahs and other religious authorities. Further the minister reported that the policy on "a separation of the mullahs who are loyally adjusted to the Soviet power from reactionary clergy" for the purpose of their use in "the interests of the economic device and fixing of special-immigrants on new places of the settlement" is pursued. In total in 1946 such spiritual figures was 170 chelovek21.

Kruglov wrote that in 1946 the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR carried out work on "decomposition" of several anti-Soviet groups consisting of Muslim clergy. So, in the Semipalatinsk region one such group in number of 10 people was revealed. Its activity was directed to "establishment of anti-Soviet communications with local reactionary Kazakh clergy, and to blasting the economic device of special immigrants of Chechens and Ingushs" 22.

In this case it is difficult to judge the true purposes of the Chechen and Ingush clergy in general and this group in particular. Perhaps, they really tried to establish connection with Kazakh (and Muslim) clergy to adjust departure of cult needs of the tribespeople? From poor lines of the report of it it is impossible to understand up to the end. The result is important: "As a result of the carried-out work on decomposition, the main objects of the specified group stopped anti-Soviet activity, and the head of this group..., having entered in members of collective farm, now carries on propaganda among special immigrants for the honest relation to work" 23.

Cases when at the personal level the people sought to separate from belonging to the deported people were also known. For example, one Chechen writer wrote in the address to K. Voroshilov: "How could move my family and many relatives of Dargins in 1944, allegedly we are Chechens? It is a shame for us, we never were and we do not want to be Chechens... us... the Chechen officials for further oppression and enslavement wrote down in lists of clean Chechens." 24. In this case, apparently, the mistake at resettlement took place. In all regions from where moved the people, such oversights were, and they gradually improved the authorities. In this text another attracts attention - it is the pejorative attitude towards Chechens, both towards the people, and towards his officials.

There were cases when people tried to refuse own national identity. For example, many of military, knowing about the reason of their demobilization, changed the surname and nationality to remain in army. According to the accounting of the special immigrants including serving in the Red Army and who appeared then which was carried out in 1949 sent to the new places of residence, this contingent contained in the territory of the USSR 8 343 of the officer, 28,000 sergeants, 173,201 people of ordinary structure, only 209,545 people 25 it is not necessary to believe that all of them tried to change a surname and record about national identity, but separate cases took place.

The people who appeared on the special settlement faced such problem as destruction of family that is especially painful for representatives of the people with strongly developed kinship communications. As far as did the special settlement influence the social organization and patrimonial tenor of life of the North Caucasian people?

Already during deportation and on the way to places of the settlement the great number of families were separated. About it indirectly the witness -

stvut number of street children among the moved people. Only in June, 1944 bodies of People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs it was revealed and arranged in children's educational labor colonies 1,268 detey26. It must be assumed that it is only a part of the children who lagged behind parents in way or appeared alone in more sad occasion. It is obvious that any part of homeless children was not found, and other children who were left without parents were sponsored by close relatives.

The first Karachays faced a problem of loss of family, certainly. The commissioner of state security V. Chernyshov told L. Beria in December, 1943 that in all areas of resettlement of the Kazakh and Kyrgyz SSR from Karachays many requests for search of members of families and reunions treat them. Only in the Dzhambulsky region of such statements over 2 000 27 arrived.

How many families were separated and how many from them reunited it is unknown. Such statistics to us did not meet in sources and hardly it was kept.

It is necessary to tell that it is difficult to judge by the number of the applications submitted for search of families how many people this problem concerned. Two or more members of one family could give them. It is known, however, that the state did not interfere with such reunion. However, sometimes it occurred too late.

Institution of marriage was subjected to the known tests. The fact is that women (the Karachays, Balkars, Chechens and Ingushes) who were she is married to the men who were not belonging to the moved people did not deport. Certainly that also children from these marriages were not sent. And though it was a little such women, literally the tenth shares of percent, this exception to the rules raised three important questions: what to do with representatives of other (not moved) nationalities who married the men who are subject to deportation? As whom at the same time do their children have to be considered? How to treat special settlers who will marry in the place of the reference whom -

or from local men? Many women followed in the reference the husbands and carried the children there. But their stay on the special settlement was conditional.

Officially the women who married local "not special settlers" and also divorced special settlers if they did not belong to number of the sent people were struck off the register only in 1955, after the relevant resolution of Council of ministers (of November 25 of that year). At the same time it is known that these categories of women had these eases practically from the very beginning of stay on the specialist-poslenii. (In more detail about it it is told in the last paragraph of this chapter.)

Tests did not avoid also mononational marriages of the deported people. Stay on the special settlement — in the closed and rather limited space — in itself reduced freedom in the choice of future spouse. In addition to it there were cases when commandants, owing to various circumstances, interfered with the conclusion of any given braka28.

of Much bigger danger, than the family, was exposed in the period of the special settlement integrity and durability of kinship communications. The sort as a basis of traditional mountain societies was essentially undermined in days of the Soviet power, but deportation of four North Caucasian people put this public institute in their environment on a disappearance side.

It is necessary to pay tribute to special settlers, they sought to keep family relations, despite, apparently, absolute obstacles. For example, days of a raspisyvaniye in magazines in commandant's office were of particular importance. "Strangers", as called the special settlements deported in places, remained near commandant's office and after its visit. There was an exchange of information, here arranged about the help, for example, in construction of the house, etc.

In such days represented the "newcomers" which arrived as reunion with family, discussed different novosti29.

V. A. Tishkov mentions the Chechen "oral telegraph" in one of the works — habar which promoted connection of families, establishing communications between relatives, without looking on any cordons. The researcher gives memoirs of one of the respondents: "There were special people who went across all Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, from one village to another to collect and report data who where lives and who for whom searches. There were many such people. It were some volunteers who were just fed in way and allowed to spend the night. And it was quite dangerous to do it, by the way. And here it is possible to imagine that in several years the Chechens and Ingushs almost everything found each other, learned who is alive and who died began to write letters each other, to transfer different information, to help each other" 30.

Information on such "special people" to us did not meet anywhere, except the called work, besides, that it is amazing and very bright fact from history of the North Caucasian people of the period of stay on the special settlement.

In conclusion of article it should be noted that the Soviet state made not unsuccessful attempts of socialization of special-settlers in places of their new accommodation. Prevention of their physical extinction, mainly from diseases, disorder and hunger was one of problems of this activity. The authorities promoted that special settlers independently could earn to themselves on livelihood and a shelter. Gradually the standard of living of the deported people began to increase.

At the same time the state conducted the directed policy of destruction sotsio- and ethnocultural bases of the sent people that along with destruction of patrimonial communications, disperse resettlement across the huge territory and the complicated communications had to present them with a fait accompli ethnic washing out and the subsequent disappearance sooner or later.

At the same time, despite difficulties and obstacles, all years of the reference of Karachays, Chechens, Ingushs and Balkars did not leave aspiration to ethnocultural self-preservation and consolidation, desire to return home. Otherwise it is impossible to explain that mass flow of immigrants in

places of former residence which rushed from Central Asia and Kazakhstan in the middle — the second half of the 1950th despite of what much already was what to leave in places of the ended reference, and in the Caucasus life needed to be begun anew.

1 B.B. Temukuyev. Special immigrants: In 4 h — Nalchik, 1997. — Page 169.
2 GARF, F.R. 9401. Op. 2. 65. L. 312.
3 B.B. Temukuyev. Special immigrants: In 4 parts 1. — Page 170.
4 I.V. Alferova. State policy on the deported people (a game. the 30th — the 50th): Yew.... edging. east. sciences. — M, 1998. — Page 156.
5 GARF. F.R. 9401. Op. 2. 65. L. 311.
6 Repressed people of Russia: Chechens and Ingushs. Documents, facts, comments. — M, 1994. - Page 85-86.
7 CGA KBR. F.R. 774. Op. 1. 2. L. 2.
8 GARF. F.R. 9401. Op. 2. 65. L. 313.
9 GARF. F.R. 9479. Op. 1. 357. L. 70.
10 Karachays: Eviction and return (1943 — 1957): Materials and documents. — Cherkessk, 1993. — Page 20 — 21.
11 In the same place.
12 Hour of tests: Deportation, rehabilitation and revival of the Balkar people: Documents and materials / Sost. B.M. Zumakulov, A.H. Karov, S.N. Beytuganov, etc. — Nalchik, 2001. —

S. 278 — 279.

13 In the same place. — Page 284.
14 A.D. Koychuyev. The Karachay autonomous region in days of the Great Patriotic War of 1941 — 1945 — Rostov-on-Don, 1998. — Page 468.
15 In the same place.
16 GARF. F.R. 9479. Op. 1. 570. L. 243.
17 GARF. F.R. 9401. Op. 2. 139. L. 380.
18 In the same place.
19 In the same place. L. 381.
20 In the same place. L. 382.
21 GARF. F.R. 9401. Op. 2. 139. L. 378.
22 In the same place. L. 378 — 379.
23 In the same place. L. 379.
24 Bull N.F. Evil memory//Homeland. — 2000. — No. 1 — 2. — Page 184.
25 In the same place.
26 GARF. F.R. 9401. Op. 2. 65. L. 313.
27 I.M. Shamanov, B.A. Tambiyeva, L.O. Abrekova. Are punished on national sign. — Cherkessk, 1999. — Page 35.
28 N.V. Nartokova. Social policy in Kabardino-Balkaria in the 40th — the head of the 60th of the XX century: Yew.... edging. east. sciences. — Pyatigorsk, 2000. — Page 135.
29 M.A. Kulbayev. Not only about. — Nalchik, 1999. — Page 90.
30 V.A. Tishkov society in armed conflict (ethnography of the Chechen war). — M, 2001. — Page 84.
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